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University  of  California. 

(J1FT  OK 

Class      I60e 
1^*5 


THE  LATIN 


THIRD    DECLENSION 


A  STUDY   IN 


METAPLASM  AND  SYNCRETISM 


A  DISSERTATION  PRESENTED  TO  THE   FACULTY  OF  ARTS,  LITERATURE,  AND 

SCIENCE  OF  THE    UNIVERSITY    OF    CHICAGO    IN    CANDIDACY 

FOR  THE   DEGREE   OF  DOCTOR  OF  PHILOSOPHY 


UN  TY 

BY 

HENRY    FARRAR  LINSCOTT 


CHICAGO 

Zbe  1Hntx>ersitt>  of  Cbtcago  iPreas 
1896 


CONTENTS. 


Introduction          -                           ....  -5 

Metaplasm           ...                 -         -  -       7-23 

1.  In  General         -                   -                   ...  7 

2.  Theory  of  Double  Formation          -         -  -            10 

3.  The  Elements  of  the  Third  Declension     -         -  13 

4.  Application  to  the  Metaplasm        -         -         -  -             19 

5.  Origin  and  Development  of  the  Process    -  -       20 

Syncretism                             24-34 

1.  In  General         ....         -                   -  -       24 

2.  In  Italic         - -            3° 

The  Case  Forms  in  Detail -       35 


INTRODUCTION. 


The  Latin  third  declension  has  been  selected  as  the  basis  for 
a  discussion  of  metaplasm  for  the  reason  that  it  is  a  typical 
instance  of  such  declensional  amalgamation.  In  addition  to  the 
presentation  of  facts  bearing  directly  upon  this  subject,  an  effort 
has  been  made  to  discuss  the  relations  of  the  third  declension  to 
the  corresponding  systems  of  other  languages.  The  treatment  of 
syncretism  is  of  a  more  general  nature,  including  the  phenomena 
of  all  declensions  and  of  the  Italic,  Latin,  and  Oscan-Umbrian 
periods.  In  the  third  section,  it  has  been  my  endeavor  to  discuss 
in  detail  the  origins  of  the  case  endings  peculiar  to  each  lan- 
guage and  to  define  the  metaplastic  and  syncretic  effects,  wher- 
ever manifested. 

The  following  authorities  have  been  consulted  with  greater 
or  less  frequency: 

Balg,  G.  H.:  A  Comparative  Glossary  of  the  Gothic  Language.  New  York, 
1887-89. 

Breal,  Michel :    Les  Tables  Eugubines.     Paris,  1875. 

Breal  and  Bailey:  Dictionaire  Etymologique  Latin.    3e  Edition,  Paris,  1891. 

Bronisch  :    Die  Oskischen  L- und  E-Vocale.     Leipzig,  1892. 

Brugmann,  K.:  Griechische  Gratnmatik  in  Iwan  Midler's  Handbuch  der 
klassischen  Alterthumswissenschaft.     Bd.  II,  2.  Aufl.,  Miinchen,  1890. 

Brugmann,  K.:  Grundriss  der  vergleichenden  Gratnmatik  der  indogerma- 
nischen  Sprachen.     2  vols.,  Leipzig,  1886-93. 

Buck,  C.  D.:    Der  Vocalismus  der  oskischen  Sprache.     Leipzig,  1892. 

Biicheler  :    Umbrica.     Bonn,  1883. 

Corssen :  Ueber  Aussprache,  Vokalismus  und  Betonung  der  lateinischen 
Sprache.     2  vols.,  2.  Aufl.,  Leipzig,  1868-70. 

Delbruck  :    Vol.  3,  Brugmann's  Grundriss.     Leipzig,  1894. 

:    Syntaktische  Forschungen.     5  vols.,  Halle,  1871-88. 

Feist:    Grundriss  der  germanischen  Etymologic     Strassburg,  1888. 

Fick,  A.:  Vergleichendes  Worterbuch  der  indogermanischen  Sprachen.  3. 
Aufl.,  Gdttingen,  1874-76. 

Georges:    Lexicon  der  lateinischen  Wortformen.     Leipzig,  1 890. 

5 


Grassmann  :    Worterbuch  zum  Rig-Veda.     Leipzig,  1875. 

Henry,  Victor:  Precis  de  grammaire  comparee  du  grec  et  du  latin.  Paris, 
1888. 

Jackson  :  An  Avesta  Grammar.     Part  I,  Boston,  1892. 

Kluge  :  Etymologisches  Worterbuch  der  deutschen  Sprache.  5.  Aufl.,  Strass- 
burg,  1889. 

Kluge :  Vorgeschichte  der  altgertnanischen  Dialekte  in  Paul's  Grundriss 
der  germanischen  Philologie.     Vol.  I,  Strassburg,  1889. 

Meyer,  G.:    Griechische  Grammatik.     2.  Aufl.,  Leipzig,  1886. 

Meyer,  Leo:  Vergleichefide  Grammatik  der  griechischen  und  lateinischen 
Sprachen.     2.  Aufl.,  Berlin,  1875-77. 

Mommsen,  Theodor:    Die  unteritalischen  Dialekte.     Leipzig,  1850. 

Neue  :  Formenlehre  d.er  lateinischen  Sprache.  2  vols.,  2.  Aufl.,  Berlin, 
I875-77-     3-  Aufl.,  1892- 

Pauli :    Altilalische  Studien.     Vols.  I-V,  1883-87. 

von  Planta,  Robert:  Grammatik  der  oskisch-utnbrischen  Dialekte.  Bd.  I, 
Strassburg,  1892. 

Schweizer-Sidler  :    Grammatik  der  lateinischen  Sprache.     Halle,  1888. 

Stolz,  Fr.:    Lateinische  Grammatik.     2.  Aufl.,  Miinchen,  1 890. 

Wharton:   Etyma  Latina.     London,  1890. 

Whitney,  W.  D.:   Sanskrit  Grammar.     2  ed.,  Boston,  1888. 

Zvetaieff  :    Inscriptiones  Italia  Inferioris  Dialecticce.     Moscow,  1886. 

B.  B. — Beitrdge  zur  Kunde  der  indogermanischen  Sprachen,  herausgegeben 
von  Ad.  Bezzenberger.     Vols.  I  ff. 

I.  F. — Indogermanische  Forschungen,  Zeitschrift  fiir  indogermanischen 
Sprach-  und  Alterthumskunde.     Vols.  I  ff. 

K.  Z. — Zeitschrift  fiir  vergleichende  Sprachforschung,  begriindet  von  A. 
Kuhn.     Vols.  I  ff. 

P.  B.  B. — Beitrdge  zur  Geschichte  der  deutschen  Sprache  und  Literatur, 
herausgegeben  von  H.  Paul  und  W.  Braune.      Vols.  I  ff. 

Rh.  M.  —  Rkenisches  Museum  fiir  Philologie.     Vols.  I  ff. 

M.  U. — Morphologische  Unlersuchungen  auf  de?n  Gebiete  der  indogermani- 
schen Sprachen,  von  K.  Brugmann  und  H.  Osthoff.     Vols.  I-V. 

Other  works  have  been  consulted,  as  indicated  by  the  references  in  the 
notes. 

It  is  a  pleasure  to  acknowledge  the  assistance  of  Professor  Carl  D.  Buck, 
under  whose  supervision  this  work  has  been  undertaken  and  completed. 


METAPLASM. 


Metaplasm  may  be  defined  as  that  process  by  which  are  trans- 
ferred or  established  upon  noun  or  adjective  stems  any  case  end- 
ings original  to  a  declension  other  than  that  to  which  the  stems 
affected  belong.  In  short,  the  effect  of  the  process  is  to  estab- 
lish in  a  given  system  of  declension  case  forms  extraneous  in 
origin,  but  necessarily  identical  in  function  with  the  forms  which 
to  a  greater  or  less  extent  are  displaced.  The  original  endings 
may  be  either  partially  or  totally  eliminated,  may  exist  as  the 
predominating  type  still  possessed  of  greater  force  than  the 
encroaching  element,  or  may  not  appear,  and  if  appearing  may 
exist  in  few  and  sporadic  instances. 

In  its  origin  and  development,  metaplasm  depends  upon 
analogy.2  The  original  condition,  in  any  specific  instance,  must 
be  a  series  of  case  endings  distinct  in  form  and  peculiar  each  to 
its  particular  system  of  declension.  Between  these  two  parallel 
series  of  forms,  a  point  of  contact  must  first  have  been  estab- 
lished. This  may  result  from  phonetic  change,  causing  identity 
of  form,3  from  a  similarity  in  meaning  or  function/  or  by  reason 
of  circumstantial  elements  of  formation  inherited  from  the 
parent  speech.5 

1  For  the  subject  of  metaplasm  in  general,  cf.  Brugmann,  Gr.  II,  722  ;  B. 
Torp,  Die  Flexion  des  Pali;  Wetter,  Zur  Geschichte  der  Nominal-Declination 
im  Russ.;  Courtenay,  K.  S.  B.,  VI,  19  ff.;  K.  Bojunga,  Die  Entwicklung  der 
neuhochdeutschen  Substantiv-Flexion. 

2  Wheeler,  Analogy,  9  ff.;  Paul,  Principien,  95 ;  Bartholonut,  K.  Z.,  29, 
524  ff.;  Brugmann,  Gr.  II,  p.  722. 

3£.  g.,  Goth,  /-stems  masc.  with  gen.  and  dat.  sg.  after  <?-stems,  balgs,  gen. 
balgis,  dat.  balga  like  dags,  dagis,  daga. 

AE.  g.,  Skt.  naptr  beside  napdt  after  words  of  relationship.  Wheeler, 
Analogy,  9  ff.;  Brugmann,  Gr.  II,  p.  722. 

-E.g.,  Skt.  usa  in  beside  usa  saw  to  usa  s  niter  s//ia  s ;  Lith.  kirtnis,  gen. 
kirmio,  beside  Lat.  vermis,  wherein  inherited  likeness  of  form  between  i-  and 
w-stems  has  caused  a  metaplasm. 

7 


8  THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION 

When  a  point  of  contact  has  been  established  by  reason  of 
similarity  of  form,  analogy  may  occasion  a  like  similarity  in  the 
remaining  case  endings  previously  distinct  in  form.  Likewise, 
if  the  contact  be  not  in  form  but  in  meaning  or  function,  the 
analogy  proceeds  on  the  lines  observable  in  the  case  of  analogy 
from  similarity  of  meaning  and  diversity  of  form.1 

The  effects  of  the  metaplastic  force  are  of  two  distinct  types, 
(i)  one  series  of  forms  may  be  entirely  eliminated,  or  the  type 
newly  created  may  exist  beside  the  original  as  a  distinct  word, 
e.  g.,  Skt.  ndpir  beside  napdt,  or  (2)  the  result  may  be  an  amalga- 
mation, in  which  traces  of  each  of  the  two  series  of  forms  may  be 
observed.  The  former  type  may  be  characterized  as  Metaplasm 
by  Transfer;  the  latter  as  Metaplasm  by  Amalgamation.  The  rep- 
resentative instances  of  each  type  may  be  enumerated  as  follows: 

I.    METAPLASM  BY  TRANSFER. 

In  the  Aryan  languages,  many  consonant  stems  have  been 
transferred  to  the  ^-declension  by  reason  of  identity  of  form  at 
the  ace.  and  inst.  sg.  In  Pali  and  Prakrit  the  process  has  been 
so  extended  as  nearly  to  eliminate  the  consonant  declensions.2 
In  Sanskrit  ndptr  has  arisen  beside  napdt  by  the  influence  of 
other  words  of  relationship  ;  usas  has  been  re-formed  on  the  anal- 
ogy of  nouns  in  -as  as  sthas ;  from  the  contact  of  -vant-  and  -van- 
stems  have  resulted  many  pairs  of  forms  inflected  after  either 
system.3  Other  instances  are,  in  Greek,  the  extension  of  -t- 
and  -S-  inflexions,  e.  g. ,  TSptS-  to  ifyns,  Ihpiv  and  AeW,  -ovtos  for  -ovos; 
the  transfer  of  masculine  -^j-stems  to  the  a-declension,  e.  g., 
SoKpaT^s,  'XoKpa.Trjv ;  in  Latin,  the  transfer  of  «-stems  to  the  ^-de- 
clension; in  Germanic,  the  passage  of  the  consonant  stems  into 
the  vocalic  declensions,  e.  g.,  Goth,  fotus,  handus,  tunpus ;  O.  H. 
G.zand,fuoz;*  in  Balto-Slavic  the  transfer  of  consonant  stems  to 

1  Balgs  '.  dags  =  balgis  '.  dagis;  sthas  '.  usas  =  stham  '.  usam. 

2  Brugmann,  Gr.  II,  p.  723;  Lassen,  Inst.  Ling.  Prac,  p.  314.  Kuhn, 
Pali  Gram.,  pp.  67  ff. 

3 Bartholomae,  K.  Z.,  29,  540  f.;  Brugmann,  Gr.  II,  pp.  724  ff. 

4Kluge,  Paul's  Grundriss  I,  p.  389.     Braune,  O.  H.  G.  Gr.2  §  216.  Anm.  1. 


THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION  9 

the  /-declension  and   the  change  of  /-   to  /0-stems,  e.  g.,  kirmis, 
gen.  kirmio;  Skt.  krmis.1 

II.    METAPLASM  BY  AMALGAMATION. 

This  type  appears  in  Aryan  in  the  composite  declension  of 
-*>«-stems  containing  forms  peculiar  to  the  /-declension,  e.  g., 
ace.  balinam,  beside  balibhis,  balisu;  Av.  ka'nitwm  beside  ka'nibyo 
and  in  the  extension  of //-forms  to  the  vocalic  and  r-stems  ;  in 
Greek  in  the  amalgamation  of  the  -id-  and  -/-  :  -//-stems ;  in 
Germanic  in  the  /-declension  of  adjectives,  an  amalgam  of  /- 
and  /0-stem  forms,2  in  the  confusion  of  a-  and  /-stems  in  English3 
and  in  such  declensional  types  in  Gothic,  as  frijondam  to  nora. 
pi.  frijonds  :  nahtam  to  nahts*  :  baurgim  to  baurgs  and  dulpais  to 
dulps;  in  Balto-Slavic  in  such  types  as  dantis,  gen.  pi.  dantu  : 
szirdis,  szirdu;  O.  tt.jelent,  gen.  pi.  jelenz  and  in  the  appearance 
of  /  of  the  /-stems  before  suffixes  in  m  among  the  consonant 
stems,  e.  g.,  Lith.  akmenimis,  O.  B.  kamencmc ;  in  Italic  in  the 
so  called  Latin  third  declension,  to  which  consideration  will 
now  be  given. 

The  third  declension  of  Latin  seems  to  be  the  most  thorough- 
going and  complete  instance  of  declensional  amalgamation 
observable  in  the  Indo-European  languages,  to  so  great  an  extent 
have  the  original  types,  the  /-  and  consonant  declensions,  lost  their 
individuality  in  the  composite  system  which  has  resulted.  It 
appears  that  this  instance  of  metaplasm  is  the  result  of  certain 
circumstances  of  stem  formation,  inherited  from  the  parent  speech, 
or  exactly  of  a  system  of  double  formation,  characteristic  of  the 
Indo-European  period.  It  is,  therefore,  pertinent  to  consider 
this  subject  by  reason  of  its  probable  bearing  upon  the  main 
question  in  hand,  and  as  well  for  any  light  which  may  be  thrown 
upon  the  third  declension  as  a  whole,  its  constituent  elements, 
and  the  relations  of  those  groups  to  related  words  of  other 
languages. 

1  Brugmann,  Gr.  II,  p.  732. 

2Streitberg,  P.  B.  B.,  14,  210  ff.;  K.  Z.,  31,  51  ff. 
''Kluge,  Paul's  Gr.  I,  p.  899 ;   Sievers,  Ags.  Gr.  §  252. 
4  Kluge,  Paul's  Gr.  I,  387. 


10  THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION 

PARALLEL  FORMATION   IN  INDO-EUROPEAN. 

It  appears  that  the  extension  of  the  primary  root  to  substan- 
tival or  adjectival  formations  was  not  in  every  instance  accom- 
plished by  the  addition  of  a  single,  specific,  suffixal  element. 
On  the  contrary  such  extension  seems  to  have  been  directed 
along  various  axes  of  formation  by  the  addition  of  different  stem 
elements  to  the  same  root.  Hence  there  may  have  existed  side 
by  side  parallel  forms,  constructed  upon  the  same  primary  root 
with  practical  identity  of  meaning  but  different  systems  of  declen- 
sion. Of  the  parallelisms  of  formation  which  may  be  inferred, 
two,  in  particular,  are  clearly  defined.  These  may  be  character- 
ized as  follows  : 

I.  Upon  a  given  root  there  may  have  been  formed,  (i)  a 
root-noun,  or  consonant  stem,  (2)  an  <?-stem,  and  (3)  a  form  in 
1,  or,  if  the  same  principle  be  applied  to  suffixes,  consonant,  0-  and 
/-stems  may  exist  side  by  side  upon  the  same  root  with  substan- 
tial identity  of  meaning. 

II.  In  like  manner  a  given  root  may  appear  (1)  as  a  root- 
noun  or  consonant  stem,  (2)  as  an  0-stem,  or  (3)  as  a  formation 
in  -to-.  These  types,  assumed  at  this  point,  are  substantiated  by 
the  following  material: 

1.     Consonant   O-  and  /-Stems. 

Skt.  dvar,  dur  "  door  "  :  Skt.  dvara-s,  Lat.  forum,  Grk.  6vpa, 
Goth,  daur  :  ~Lat.  fores  (pi.),  Lith.  durys  (pi.)  "  door." 

Skt.  pdth  "  path  "  :  Grk.  ttcito-s  :  Lat.  pons,  O.  B.  pate  "  way," 
O.  Pr.  pintis,  Skt.  pathl-s. 

Grk.  xvv  '•  Skt.  hahsa-s  "goose"  :  Lith.  zasis  "goose." 

Skt.  an-dks-  :  Skt.  catur-aksd-s  "  four-eyed  " :  Skt.  dksi-s"eye." 

Grk.  (Doric)  <5s  :  Lat.  auris,  Lith.  ausls  "ear,"  O.  Pr.  ausins, 
Av.  usi  (du)  "ears." 

Skt.  nds  "  nose  "  :  Skt.  nasa,  O.  B.  nose,  "  nose,"  Lat.  ndsu-s  : 
Lat.  ndres  (pi.),  Lith.  nbsis  "nose." 

Grk.  ow£,  :  Lat.  unguis,  O.  I.  niga  :  Lith.  tiagas  "nail,"  Skt. 
nakhd-s. 


THE  LA  TIN  THIRD  DECLENSION  1 1 

Skt.  ndbh  :  O.  Pr.  nabis,  Skt.  nabhi-s  "  navel "  :  O.  H.  G.  naba, 
Lith.  naba. 

O.  B.  grade  "  city,"  O.  N.  gardr  :  Goth,  gard-s  "  house,"  Lith. 
zardis,1  Lat.  urbs. 

Grk.  6rjp  :  ha.t.  feru-s, /era  :  O.  B.  zverc,  "wild  animal." 

Goth,  yfo/fo  "  fish,"  O.  I.  ease  :  Lat.  pisei-s. 

Skt.  a/ba-,5-  "axle,"  Grk.  a/xa^a,  O.  H.  G.  a7/jyz  :  Lat.  axis,  Lith. 
a^zw,  O.  B.  osd  "axle." 

Lat.  os,  Av.  asto  (gen.  sg.),  "bone"  :  Skt.  dsthis,  O.  B.  /&?j7<f 
"bone." 

Skt.  cva  "dog,"  Av.  spa,  Grk.  »aW,  Lith.  .rz#  :  Skt.  cuni-s,  Av. 
sum's,  Lith.  szun'is. 

Lat.  <rar<?,  Umbr.  /£«/-//  :  Lat.  earnis. 

Grk.  Ka/jLTrrj,  Lat.  eampus,  Lith.  kdmpas  "  corner  "  :  Lith.  ketur- 
katnpis  "four-cornered." 

Lat.  elavus,  O.  I.  *■/**'  :  Lat.  eldvis,  Grk.  k\^(/t)is. 

Skt.  pratistha  "  standing-place  "  :  pratisthi-s. 

Lat.  haedus  :  Goth,  gaits. 

O.  B.  rfa/a  :  Lith.  da/is. 

Skt.  abhi-hrut  "  injury  "  :  abhi-hruti-s. 

Goth,  heiwa-frauja  "house-master,"  O.  'Q.po-sivc,  Skt.  eeva-s, 
civa-s  :  Lat.  «z>zV,  Osc.  ^z>.r. 

O.  N.  hlaun  (n)  "buttock,"  hlauna-sverd  :  Skt.  crbni-s  "  hip," 
Av.  sraonis,  Lith.  szlaunis,  Lat.  cluni-s. 

Grk.  irripva,  O.  H.  G.  fersna  "heel  "  :  Skt.  parsni-s  "  heel." 

Goth,  pruts-fill"  leprosy  "  :  Lat. pellis. 

Skt.  vrsan  "manly  "  :  vrsni-s,  Av.  varsnis  "  ram." 

Av.  raohsna  and  raohisnis  "bright." 

Skt.  dena-s  and  deni-s  "  stone." 

Skt.  usnd-s  and  usni-s  "warm." 

Grk.  a.Kpo-%,  Skt.  acra-s  :  Lat.  #<w,  deris,  Grk.  oxpi-s,  Osk. 
akrid,  Skt.  -acri-. 

Lat.  saeer,  -a,  um,  Umbr.  sakra  :  Lat.  sacer,  -e,   Umbr.  sakre. 

Goth,  fagrs  "fair"  :  Umbr.  /a<:;w  (nom.  pi.)  "pacati." 

Av.  //jra-  and  /rjr/j  "  pointed." 

Lat.  seciiris  and  O.  B.  sekyra  "  ax.  " 

'A  zV>-stem  transferred  from  z-declension. 


12  THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION 

Lat.  buret  and  bun's. 

Skt.  vamrd-s  and  vamri  "  ant." 

Skt.  jlvd-s  and  jlvi-s  "  alive." 

Skt.  eubhrd-s  and  cubhri-s  "white." 

O.  B.  bylz  and  <Sjp/<f. 

Grk.  aiXrj  and  avAis. 

Grk.  KavA.o>,  Lith.  kaulas  "bone  "  :  Lat.  eaulis. 

Skt.  nctkt  "  night,"  Grk.  vv$,  Goth,  naht-s  :  Skt.  >idkta-m  :  Skt. 
ndkti-s,  Lat.  ;/f.v,  Lith.  naktis,  O.  B.  «<?i/<r. 

Skt.  dafdt-"  tenth  "  :  Grk.  Se/orrds,  Goth,  taihunda,  Lith,  deszirn- 
tas  :  Skt.  daeati-s,  Lith.  defzimtis  "ten,"  O.  B.  desett. 

Lat.  hortus,  Osc.  hurz,  Grk.  x°Pro«  :  Lat.  cohors. 

Suffix  -/a/-  beside  -tdti-.1 

2.     Consonant   (9-  and  70-Stems. 

Skt.  pad  "loot,"  Grk.  ttws,  Lat./^,  Unibr.  /m  :  Skt.  pdda-m 
"step,"  Grk.  txLIov,  Umbr.  perum,  Lith.  peda  :  Skt.  pddya-s,  Av. 
pa'dya-,  Grk.  7re£os,  Lat.  aca-pedius,  Lith.  lingwapedys  "light- 
footed." 

Skt.  7vY  "village,"  Av.  vis,  O.  P.  c'//  :  Skt.  vefd-s  "house," 
Av.  vo3sa,  Grk.  o"kos,  Lat.  tv^tfi-  :  Skt.  veciam,  Grk.  olklov. 

Skt.  z^/6  "voice,"  Av.  ^a/z'j,  Lat.  vox  :  Skt.  vdkd-s  "word,"  Av. 
Z'a^ra-  :  Skt.  vakya-m  "speech,"  Lat.  convicium. 

Skt.  /vl/'  "king,"  Lat.  rex,  O.  I.  rl,  Goth.  n?z£-.r  :  Skt.  rajyd- 
"  kingly,"  Lat.  regius,  Goth,  reiki. 

Skt.  napat  "  grandson,"  Av.  napa~3,  Lat.  «<^<w  :  Skt.  naptya-s, 
Grk.   a-vei/'tos. 

Skt.  /C'-w-w  '-earth,"  Av.  zJj,  Grk.  x^v  :  Lat.  humus,  Grk. 
ya.it.ai:  O.  B.  zetnija,  Lith.  s?w<?  "earth." 

I.  E.  <&*«  "house,"  Skt.  dan,  Av.  <£?©£",  Grk.  8eo--7rdr7/s  :  Skt. 
ddma-s,  Grk.  8d/u,os,  Lat.  domus,  O.  B.  </<??;/?  :  Skt.  ddmya-. 

Skt.  rafc  "light,"  Lat.  ///.v  :  Skt.  roed-s,  Grk.  Actios,  Lith.  lau- 
kas  :  O.  B.  /&;#,  //^cr,  Lith.  laukis. 

Skt.  yuj  "yoke,"  Grk.  a-£v£,  con-jux  :  Skt.  yuga-m,  Grk.  £uyo-v, 
Lat.  iugum,  Goth,  juk  :  Skt.^^ja-jr. 
•Brugmann,  Gr.  II,  pp.  290  ff. 


THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION 


13 


Skt.  crad-dha  "trust,"  Lat.  cor,  Grk.  <rjp,  Lith.  szirdu  (gen.  pi.) 
"heart,"  Grk.  KapSia. 

Skt.  spdc  "spy,"  Grk.  <jku$,  Lat.  auspcx  :  Lat.  vestispica  :  Lat. 
auspiciutn. 

O.  P.  /C'artf  "army,"  O.  B.  kara,  Lith.  liaras  "war"  :  Goth. 
harjis  "host,"  Lett,  karsch,  O.  I.  cuire. 

Skt.  ndva-s  "new,"  Grk.  veds,  Lat.  novus,  O.  B.  novz  :  Goth. 
««///>"new,"  Lith.  naujus,  Skt.  navya-s. 

Skt.  dnta-s  "end"  :  Goth,  andeis,  Skt.  antya-s. 

Lat.  orbus,  Grk.  dp^o-^oTr/s  :  Goth,  a/-^/  "heritage,"  O.  I.  0/-^. 

Lat.  /?7vz,  Lith.  a^a  "berry,"  O.  B.y'tfgv/  :  Lith.  tfgy.y,  Grk.  d£os. 

Lat. porculus  :  Lat. porcilia,  O.  H.  G.farheli. 

Skt.  svdpna-s  "sleep,"  Lat.  somnus,  Lith.  sapnas,  Grk.  u7rvos  : 
Skt.  svdpnya-m,  Lat.  somnium,  Grk.  Iv-iotviov. 

Grk.  otvov,  Lat.  vinum,  Arm.  £*'»/  "wine,"  Lith.  apwynys 
"hops." 

Goth,  kaurn  "corn,"  Lat.  grd/ium  :  Lith.  zirnis  "pea." 

Skt.  mdrta-s  "mortal,"  Grk.  jSpords,  ap.-fipoTo<i  :  Skt.  mdrtya-s, 
Av.  masiya-,  Grk.  ap-fipoatos. 

Skt.  sahdsra-m  "thousand,"  Grk.  SeKa-^tAtoi  :  Skt.  sahdsrya-s 
Grk.  x^A'01- 

THE  ELEMENTS  OF  THE  THIRD  DECLENSION. 


This  fact  of  parallel  formation  may  first  be  applied  to  the 
third  declension  in  a  general  manner  before  its  effect  in  the  met- 
aplasm  is  treated.  Latin  and  Oscan-Umbrian  possess  many  i- 
stems  which  may  1)  correspond  to  <?-stems  in  related  languages 
or  2)  exist  beside  f-stems  in  the  Italic  group,  e.  g.,  avis,  Osc. 
cevs,  Skt.  ceva-s  ;  piscis,  Goth,  fisk-s ;  colhs,  Lith.  kdhias ;  pellis, 
Goth,  prutsfill;  caulis,  Grk.  KauAos,  Lith.  kaulas ;  humilis,  Grk. 
X#a/u,aAds ;  sitnilis,  Grk.  d/AaAds  ;  levis,  Grk.  Aeios  ;  lint's,  O.  B.  lenz  ; 
tristis,  Skt.  trstds;  agilis,  Skt.  ajirds  :  imberbis  and  imberbus ;  iner- 
mus  and  inermis;  exanimus  and  exanimis ;  biiugus  and  biiugis; 
sacer,  -a,  -urn  and  sacer,  -c. 

These  relations  may  be  explained  as  the  result  of  double 
formation.     In  the    latter  case   both  forms  have  been  preserved: 


14  THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION 

in  the  former  but  one,  the  /-stem  type,  and,  in  consequence,  a  dis- 
tinction is  at  once  apparent  when  comparison  is  made  with  lan- 
guages which  have  preserved  only  the  f-stem  forms. 

A  further  fact  increases  this  probability.  It  might  be  expected 
that,  if  the  cause  be  parallel  formation,  in  certain  instances,  at 
least,  <?-stems  ought  to  exist  in  Latin  beside  /-stems  in  other 
groups.  Such,  indeed,  is  a  fact,  e.  g.,  Lat.  haedus,  Goth,  gaits  ; 
Lat.  ferus,  O.  B.  zvert  "wild  animal." 

The  contention  that  parallelism  is  the  cause  for  this  relation 
of  Latin  /-stems  toe-stems  in  other  groups  is  supported  by  further 
considerations.  O-  and  /-stems  often  exist  side  by  side  in  Latin 
and,  as  regards  relative  function,  are  assignable  to  certain  groups, 
to  be  observed  in  other  languages,  as  follows:  — 

i.  Forms  in  o  and  /may  have  the  relation  of  adjective  and  fem- 
inine abstract,  c.  g.,  Skt.  hitd-,  Grk.  0£tos,  Lat.  con-ditus,  Lith.  pre- 
ditas,  beside  Skt.  a-hiti-s,  Av.  deftis,  Grk.  0e<ns,  O.  B.  detd.  For 
Latin  this  relation  appears  in  quietus,  quies;  datus,  dos;  grdtus, 
grates  (pi-)  J  status,  statim. 

2.  The  parallelism  may  exist  in  substantives,  e.  g.,  Grk.  ajxa^a, 
O.  H.  G.  a/isa,  Skt.  aksd-s  beside  Lith.  aszis,  O.  B.  ost,  Lat.  axis. 
This  type  appears  in  Latin  in  bura,  buris  ;  forum,  fores ;  cldvus, 
cldvis ;  palumbus,  palumbis  ;'  sequester,  -tris,  sequester,  -tri,  seques- 
trum, sequestre. 

3.  Adjectives  in  0  may  stand  beside  adjectives  in  i,  e.  g.,  Grk. 
7repKvos,  Skt.  pfffti-s;  und-s,  Goth,  wans;  Grk.  ewts  :  Skt.  dena-s 
and  df>/i-s;  cubhrds  and  cubri-s.  Av.  raoh'sna  and  raohsnis.  Latin 
possesses  the  same  relation,  e.  g.,  sacer,  -ris  (Plaut.),  Osk.  sakrid 
U.  sakre  ;  sacer,  -ft,  O.  sakru,  U.  sakra  :  graci/is,  graci/us2  :  steri- 
lis,  sterilus^  :  dapsilis,  dapsilus*  :  decor  em,  decorus  :  indecoris,  inde- 
corus  :  hilaris,  hilarus  :  celero,  ceteris. 

4.  From  Indo-European  times  compound  adjectives  formed 
upon  0-stems  have  often  assumed,  1)  the  /-form  or  2)  the  /-form 

'Cato  R.  R.  90:  Mart.  13,  67,  1. 
2  GraciLr,  Ter.  Eun.  314  ;  gracila,  Lucil.  Non.  8,  48. 
iSterilam,  Paul.  Fest.  314  :  sterila,  Lucr.  2,  845. 
'■Dapsilis,  Plaut.  Pseud.  396,  Aul.  167. 


f  UNI 


THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION  15 

beside  a  form  in  o,1  e.  g.,  Skt.  abhaya-hasti-s  to  hdsta-s  :  dhumd- 
gandhi-s  to  gandhd-s  :  prdty-ardhi-s  to  ardhd-s  :  saho-bhdri-s,  jar- 
bhdrl-s  to  bhdra-s  :  su-niti-s,  dgra-niti-s  to  nita-s  :  trir-dfri-s,  cdtt/r- 
ap-i-s  to  dfra-s  :  A  v.  mazda-yasnls  to  yasna  :  zarapuslrls  to  Zara- 
puslra-  :  Grk.  a«oms  to  koitt;,  Lith.  ketur-kampis  to  kampas ;  nakt'e- 
kovis  to  kbvas ;  pig-kalbis  to  £«/^a  :  0.  h.  pre -pros  it  adv.  to  prosle  ; 
ils-plznt  to  plznz?  This  relation  is  seen  in  Italic  in  U.  perakre 
to  akru-tu  ;  sevakne  to  acnu ;  Lat.  biiugis,  iniugis  to  iugum ; 
semisomnis,  somnus;  inermis,  inermus,  artna;  imberbus,  imberbis, 
barba;  exanimis,  exanimus,  animus;  perennis,  perennus,  annus; 
effrinis,  effrenus;  prcecoquis,  pracoquus. 

It  is  next  in  order  to  consider  the  w-stems  and  the  category 
of  parallel  formations  to  which  they  belong,  and  to  discern  a 
possible  bearing  upon  the  question  of  metaplasm  and  the  for- 
mation of  the  third  declension.  Streitberg  has  established,  for 
the  suffix  io,  two  ablaut  grades,  -to-,  strong,  and  -I  ,  weak.  This 
weak  grade  has  been  preserved  in  Italic  in  Lat.  alts,  alim;  Cornells, 
Cornelim  ;  fill  (voc.sg.);  Ingeni  (gen.sg.);  Umbr.  tertlm  "tertium  "; 
tehtedim,  "  tectorium  "  ;  sansl,  sad  (ace.)  to  voc.  sancle  :  Osc. 
mediclm,  memslm.  These  forms  prove  that  this  weak  grade  of  -10- 
was  inherited  and  existed  until  after  the  separation  of  the  dialects. 
It  is,  further,  probable  that  this  type  was,  at  an  earlier  period, 
a  more  extensive  category,  than  appears  from  the  material  of  his- 
torical times,  for  the  greater  relative  frequency  of  the  forms  in 
Oscan-Umbrian  indicates  that  they  were  more  numerous  in  Italic 
and  probably  in  early  Latin.  Again  the  forms  seem  to  have 
been  a  dying  force  in  Latin  of  the  historical  period  and  this  may 
indicate  that  the  few  forms  are  remnants  of  a  more  extensive  cat- 
egory previously  existing.  If  this  be  true,  it  is  in  point  to 
inquire  1)  what  tendency  has  occasioned  their  elimination  and 
2)  to  what  system  of  declension  have  they  been  transferred.  The 
conjecture  that  they  have  been  merged  in  the  /-declension  is 
supported  by  the  following  considerations: 

1  Cf.  Mahlow,  AEO.,  p.  121. 
2Leskien,  Handbuch,  p.  94. 


1 6  THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION 

i.    The  Argument  from  Inherent  Probability. 

It  is  evident  that  the  two  systems  of  declension  come  in  con- 
tact at  the  following  points:  — 
-/-        -io- 

Nom.  sg.  -is    :  -is,    e.  g.,  Lith.  Izbdis;  Goth,  bruks,  un-nuts. 

Ace.    sg.   -i-m  :  -i-m,  e.  g.,  Lith.  zbdi. 

Gen.  pi.  -iom  :  -torn,  e.  g.,  Lith.  zbdzu ;  O.  B.  krajt ;  Goth. 
harje. 

Nom.  ace.  pi.  n.  -i-a  :  -i-a,  e.  g.,  Goth,  kunja  :  O.  B.  polje. 

This  condition,  in  itself,  constitutes  a  strong  antecedent  prob- 
ability that  the  two  declensions  were  in  close  contact  and  would 
become  merged  in  one  system  or  the  other. 

2.    Analogies  of  Other  Languages. 

a)  Germanic — The  so  called  /-declension  of  adjectives  in 
Gothic  is  a  conglomerate  of  *-  and  /0-stem  forms,  resulting  from 
a  merging  of  such  types,  as  bruks,  un-nuts  with  /-stems  such  as 
ga-mains,  Lat.  communis;  /trains,  Skt.  (rents.1  Among  substan- 
tives may  be  noted  andins  ace.  pi.  to  andeis. 

b)  Balto-Slavic— Many  /-stems  have  passed  into  the  io- 
declension.  This  is  a  process  directly  opposite  to  that  assumed 
for  Latin  and  yet  the  analogy  has  weight,  showing  as  it  does 
the  contact  of  the  /-  and  -/^-sterns.  Instances  are  krytis,  gen. 
-Us  and  czio ;  szlitis,  gen.  -Us  and  fem.  szliti  :  antis,  gen.  -Us  and 
czio,  Skt.  dtis,  Lat.  anas1  :  O.  B.  gospodt,  gen.  gospodja,  dat. 
gospodjo  :  ognt  Lat.  ignis,  inflected  as  a  -/^-stem,  e.  g.,  ognja,  ognjo." 

3.  Evidence  within  the  Italic  Group. 
a)  The  correspondence  of  Lat.  and  Osc.-Umbrian  /-stems 
to  w-stems  in  other  groups,  e.  g.,  pix,  gen.  pi.  picium,  Grk.  maaa, 
Lith.  pikis  :  postis,  Skt.  pastya-m,  O.  H.  G.  fasti  :  Osc.  aiteis,  gen. 
pi.  aittium,  Grk.  aLWa  :  faux,  gen.  pi.  faucium,  Grk.  </>u<ra  but 
Skt.  bhiika-s  :  verres,  Lith.  verszis,  Lett,  wersis  :  vehes,  Lith.  vcTis, 
O.  Pr.  wessis  :  lux,  O.  B.  hue,  luca,  Lith.  laukis  :  calx,  gen.  pi. 
calcium,  Lith.  kalkis. 

'Brugmann,  Gr.  II,  p.  269. 
2  Leskien,  Handbuch,  §  38. 


THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION  17 

b)  The  existence  of  io-  and  /-forms  in  the  same  word,  e.  g., 
prasepe  and  ace.  pi.  prcesepis  to  prcesepio,  prcesepiis ;  dldris,  dldr- 
ius  ;  auxilidris,  auxilidrius ;  articuldris,  articuldrius  ;  balnedris, 
balnedrius  ;  caligdris,  caligdrius  ;  cubiculdris,  cubiculdrius  ;  inter- 
caldris,  intercaldrius  ;  militdris,  militarius ;  palindris,  palindrius ; 
vulgaris,  vulgdrius ;  alvedre,  alvedrium. 

c)  Oscan  in  single  forms  gives  evidence  of  such  a  transfer 
to  the  /'-declension.  Upfils,1  Latin  Ofilius,  is  in  the  weak  grade 
-*"-.  The  genitive  is  Upfaleis,2  in  the  form  of  the  /-declension. 
But  the  oblique  cases  of  the  -/-stems  have  full  -io-torms,  e.  g., 
Goth,  harjis  (gen.),  Lith.  zbdzjo.  Hence  we  should  expect  a  form 
parallel  to  meddikiai.  Again,  aiteis  to  Grk.  alo-cra  <  ait-ia  and 
luisarifs,  beside  Latin  lusoriis,  point  to  the  same  conclusion,  that 
there  has  been  a  transfer  to  the  /'-declension. 

It  thus  appears  that  the  correspondence  of  /'-stems  in  Latin 
to  0-stems  in  other  groups  may  exist  for  two  reasons,  1)  because 
of  the  parallelism  of  0-  and  /'-stems  in  the  parent  speech,  and  2) 
by  reason  of  the  parallelism  of  0-  and  w-stems  and  the  trans- 
fer of  the  weak  form  in  -j-  to  the  /-declension,  as  in  Lat.,  e.  g., 
faux,  Grk.  <£v'cra,  Skt.  bhuka-s  or  O.  aiteis,  aittIum,  Grk.  ala-aa, 
I£-aiTos. 

The  third  declension  presents  two  further  anomalous  stem 
relations,  /-stems  in  Latin  may  correspond  to  //-stems  in  other 
languages  in  the  well-known  relations  sudvis,  Grk.  ^Su's,  Skt. 
svddus;  tenuis,  Skt.  tanus ;  brevis,  Grk.  fipaxys,  etc.,  and  -<?.y-stems 
may  appear  in  Latin  as  /'-forms,  e.  g.,  sedes,  Skt.  sddas,  Grk.  ISos, 
nubes,  Skt.  nabhas,  Grk.  ve^>os. 

As  regards  the  former  condition,  it  is  evident  that  an  expla- 
nation may  be  sought  in  the  parallelism  of  0-,  /'-  and  //-stems,  e.  g., 
Skt.  babhrus  "brown,"  Lat.  fiber,  Av.  bawris  "beaver";  Skt. 
tdntu-s  and  tdnti-s  "thread";  Lith.  asztrus,  O.  B.  ostrz  "sharp," 
Skt.  dstrd  "good,"  Lith.  asztrds ;  Skt.  dcru-s,  dcra-s,  dcri-s;  Skt. 
dhdru-s  "sucking,"  Grk.  Br\\v%,  Grk.  6r/\r) ;  Skt.  patdru-s,  patdra-s 
"flying";  gdtu-s,  gdti-s  "motion."  This  condition  may  account 
for  such  a  relation,  as  mollis,  Skt.  mrdhu-s,  but  not  for  the  cases 

•Zvetaieff  121,  122. 
2Zvetaieff  113. 


1 8  THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION 

in  which  the  element  u  is  present.  It  has  been  suggested  that 
these  forms  in  -vi-  are  the  feminine  formation  in  -id. '  There  is, 
however,  a  possibility  that  another  element  is  present.  Beside 
the  stems  in  -u-  there  may  have  existed  forms  in  -uo-  fern,  -ud 
or  -ui-  fem.  -ul-,  e.  g.,  Skt.  ddru,  dru  "wood,"  Av.  dd"ru  ;  Grk. 
Spv pa,  Lith.  derva  ;  Skt.  ddrvis,  ddrv'i  "spoon"  :  Skt.  tanus,  Grk. 
Taia's;  Grk.  rava/rds,  Skt.  tanva-s  "slender,"  Lith.  tenvds ;  Skt. 
ghrsu-s  and  ghrsvi-s  "  lively " ;  Skt.  yahii-s,  yahvd-s,  yahvi 
"young"  :  Skt.  raghu-s  "swift,"  Grk.  eAaxv's ;  Lith.  lengwas  :  Skt. 
paracu-s  "axe,"  Grk.  71-cAckvs  ;  Grk.  iriXtKnov  :  Skt.  puru-s,  Grk. 
ttoAu?  ;  ttoXAos  :  Skt.  fifu-s  "  young  "  and  su-cicvi-s  "  well  growing." 

The  three  types  appear  in  Latin,  as  follows —  i)  -«-stems, 
densus,  Grk.  8o.<tv$  ;  cdrus,  Skt.  cdrus  :  2)  -uo-,  arduus,  Skt. 
urdhvd-s,  Grk.  6p#ds ;  3)  -///-stems,  sudvis,  tenuis,  etc.  In  the 
case  of  the  last  type,  it  is  only  intended  to  point  out  that  the 
forms  in  -ui-  would  naturally  fall  in  that  category  and  to  suggest 
that  they  may  have  helped  to  form  the  group  together  with  the 
feminines  in  -ul-. 

Occasionally  /-stem  forms  seem  to  exist  beside  ^-sterns,  e.  g., 
sides,  Skt.  sddas,  Grk.  cSos  :  nubes,  Skt.  ndbhas,  Grk.  v£<£os  :  moles 
beside  molestus  :  pubis,  tdbis,  plibis,  sordis,  squdlis  :  pulvis  beside 
pulver,  pulveris;  cinis,  ciner ;  vomis,  vomer  :  cucumis,  cucumer. 

Brugmann  has  explained  one,  at  least,  of  the  /-stems,  paralleled 
by  -^-forms,  as  the  result  of  double  formation.3  It  seems, 
also,  that  the  parallelism  noted  in  Skt.  sddas  and  sddi-s  is  widely 
extended,  e.  g.,  Skt.  pathas,  pathi-s ;  jdnas,  jdni-s,  jam  ;  vdnas, 
upamati-vdni-s ;  rdbhas,  su-rabhi-s ;  mdhas,  mdhi-s;  dhruvds, 
dhnivi-s  ;  vdcas,  vaci-s. 

Grk.  /AtVos,  /xtJvi-s  ;  Av.  rava~3,  ravis,  Grk.  p^p'-Sios. 

Similar  relations  appear  in  Latin,  e.g.,  nubis,  nubs;  sordis, 
sors  ;  tdbis,  tdbis  ;  pubis,  pubis  ;  moles,  mo/is  ;  sidis,  sidis  ;  plibis, 
plibs.  Hence  the  entire  category  may  perhaps  be  explained  by 
this  parallelism. 

'Brugmann,  I.  F.,  IV,  218;  J.  Schmidt,  K.  Z.,  25,  139  and  K.  and  S.  B., 
IV,  266;  Johanssen,  K.  Z.,  30,  403;  Danielsson,  Gram.,  Anm.  I,  25. 

2  Brugmann,  K.  Z.,  24,  44;  J.  Schmidt,  Pluralbild.,  p.  148,  otherwise  J. 
Schmidt,  K.  Z.,  27,  328;  cf.  also  Thumeysen,  K.  Z.,  30,  489. 


THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION  19 

APPLICATION  TO  THE    METAPLASM  IN  THE  THIRD 
DECLENSION. 

Parallelism  in  formation  has  served  to  explain  the  apparent 
anomalous  relation  of  Lat.  /-stems  to  0-stems  in  other  groups. 
As  has  been  intimated,  however,  the  same  facts,  in  a  different 
application,  bear  upon  the  question  of  metaplasm  in  the  third 
declension.  It  has  been  shown  that  consonant  and  /-stems  may 
exist  side  by  side  upon  the  same  root  with  substantial  identity  of 
meaning.  Brugmann1  has  suggested  that  the  metaplasm  has 
been  occasioned  by  this  condition  and  by  the  existence  of  such 
doublets  as  ttoct-,  twcti-  :  clvitdt-,  civitati-.  To  this  theory,  how- 
ever, the  following  supplementary  matter  may,  perhaps,  be  added. 

If  the  conclusions  of  the  previous  pages  be  sound,  the  condi- 
tions tending  to  promote  the  metaplasm  may  be  increased  by 
the  fact  that  /-  and  consonant  stems  may  exist  side  by  side  in 
Latin  by  reason  of  the  fact  that  certain  /0-stems  have  become 
merged  in  the  /-declension.  If,  then,  we  assume  such  doublets 
from  two  distinct  sources,  the  rise  and  development  of  meta- 
plasm may  be  traced  as  follows  : 

It  is  probable  that  two  forms  of  the  same  word  belonging 
respectively  to  the  /-  and  consonant  declensions  and  existing  side 
by  side  with  identitv  of  meaning  and  function,  would  be  often  con- 
fused, that  the  case  forms  peculiar  to  each  would  be  used  indis- 
criminately and  without  regard  for  their  point  of  reference. 
Thereby  a  point  of  contact  between  the  two  declensions  would 
necessarily  arise.  The  probabilitv  of  such  a  confusion  and  point 
of  contact  is  supported  by  the  analogies  of  other  languages,  e.  g.; 

1)  Arvan- — O.  P.  vipibis*  to  vip,  Skt.  vif,  Av.  vis. 

2)  Germanic  —  Gothic  consonant  stems  show  the  influence  of 
the  /-declension,3  e.  g.,  baurgim  to  baurgs  ;  alhim  to  alhs ;  spaurdim 
to  spaurds ;  waihtins  to  waihts ;  dulpais  to  du/ps. 

3)  Balto-Slavic  —  a)  The  transfer  of  consonant  stems  to  the 

'Grundriss  II,  pp.  292,  727. 

'So  Spiegel,  A.  P.,  Keilinschr.,2  p.  177  :  Bartholomx  reads  vipaiifsand  holds 
for  influence  of  <?-stems  ;  cf.  Brugmann,  Gr.  II.,  p.  723,  and  Kossowitz,  Inscr.  Pal. 
Pers.,  under  vit'ihis. 

3Braune,  Got.  Gram.3  §  116. 


20  THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION 

/-declension,  e.g.,  Lith.  dant'is,  Skt.  ddnt- ;  szirdis,  Lat. cor,  Skt.  hrd; 
debesis,  Grk.  ve'^os,  Skt.  ndbhas,  O.  B.  zviV,  Skt.  vie  :  /$)  metaplasm 
in  the  Balto-Slavic  period  before  suffixes  in  m  and  in  the  locative 
plural,  e.  g.,  Lith.  akmenyse,  older  -ise,  O.  B.  kamentchz  ;  Lith. 
moterimis,  O.  B.  materismd,  matertchz. 

Assuming,  therefore,  as  the  first  condition  such  a  confusion 
in  the  case  of  specific  words,  it  is  probable  that  the  approximate 
contact  between  the  two  declensions  would  become  crystallized  in 
some  particular  case  form  and  that,  at  that  point,  one  of  the  two 
possible  terminations  would  eventually  prevail  to  the  exclusion 
of  the  other,  first  in  specific  words  belonging  originally  to  either 
declension  and,  second,  by  an  analogical  extension  in  other  or 
in  all  the  forms  in  each  declension.  Such  a  condition  may  be 
termed  the  formal  contact  in  distinction  to  that  approximate  type 
which  was  noted  in  the  element  of  confusion.  This  formal  con- 
tact would  occur  at  the  point  where  the  two  declensions  have  the 
strongest  affinity.  That  point  seems  to  have  been  the  dative- 
ablative  plural.  For  the  earliest  Italic  we  may  suppose  such  rela- 
tions as  dotibus  beside  *nepot-bus  ;  mentibus,  *ferent-bus;  sacri-bus, 
*matr-bus  ;  funi-bus,*homin-bus ;  faaci-bus,  *due-bus,  and  possibly 
within  the  same  word  norti-bus,  *noct-bus ;  clvitati-bus,  *clvitdt- 
bus.    The  affinity  of  the  two  declensions  at  this  point  is  apparent. 

But,  further,  in  other  languages  this  metaplasm  of  the  i-  and 
consonant  stems  appears  most  frequently  or  exclusively  at  this 
point,  e.  g.,  in  Germanic  and  Balto-Slavic  before  suffixes  in  -m- 
(cf.  p.  9).  The  only  point  of  infection  must  necessarily  be  the  first 
point  also,  and  this  condition  adds  further  probability  for  that 
assumed  in  Italic.  Hence  the  formal  contact  in  the  dat.-abl. 
plural,  occurring  first,  perhaps,  in  such  words  as  nox  and  civitds, 
must  have  been,  later,  extended  to  all  the  words  of  each  declen- 
sion by  analogy.  Then  the  similarity  at  this  point  may  well 
have  produced  similarity  at  other  points  and  thus  have  extended 
the  metaplasm. 

THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  PROCESS. 

The  development  of  the  metaplasm  and  its  extension  to  the 
various  cases  may  be  traced  as  follows  :     The  first  stages  of  the 


THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION  21 

process  must  be  assigned  to  the  Italic  period,  by  reason  of  the 
agreement  of  Latin  and  Oscan-Umbrian  at  certain  points,  as 
follows  : 

1)  The  dative-ablative  plural.  Latin  and  Oscan  have  the 
/-stem  form  i-bos1  without  exception,2  e.  g.,  O.  teremniss,  aisu- 
sis,  ligis.  Umbrian  has  -us  without  exception,  e.  g.,  fratrus, 
ncrus,  kapidus,  homonus,  karnus.  If  this  Umbrian  type  be 
accepted  as  secondary  and  a  later  formation  after  the  tf-declen- 
sion,3  the  forms  do  not  disprove  the  hypothesis  given  above. 

2)  The  ablative  singular.  Among  the  /'-stems  the  oldest 
forms  are  in  -Id  in  Latin  and  Oscan-Umbrian,  e.  g.,  O.  Lat.  marld, 
omnei  :  Lat.  turrl,  classi,  etc.,  :  O.  slaagid,  sakrid,  akrid  :  U.  poni, 
peracrei,  ocri-per.  This  form  was  transferred  to  the  consonant 
declension  in  the  Italic  period,  e.  g.,  O.  Lat.  airid,  covcntiomd, 
bovid :  Fal.  opid;  O.  prcesentid,  prupukid,  serevkid  ;  U.  pedi, 
persi.  The  fact  that  -I  is  largely  replaced  by  -e  in  Latin  of  the 
classical  period,  that  Oscan  has  forms  in  -3d  by  the  later  influ- 
ence of  the  0-stems,  and  that  at  a  later  time  -e  is  the  prevailing 
type  in  Umbrian,  cannot  obscure  the  evident  condition,  noted 
above,  that  the  two  declensions  become  merged  in  the  form  -id 
at  the  point  of  the  ablative  singular. 

3)  Dative  singular.  It  is  possible  that  a  metaplastic  devel- 
opment occurred  at  this  point.  A  positive  statement  cannot  be 
made,  since  in  the  development  of  Latin  and  Umbrian  the  indi- 
vidual case  endings  have  become  identical  in  form.  Hence  no 
differentiation  can  be  made.  The  probability  is,  therefore, 
mentioned  at  this  point  and  a  more  extended  discussion  reserved 
for  the  treatment  of  the  specific  case  forms  (p.  43). 

4)  Genitive  singular.  At  this  point  a  somewhat  different 
condition  must  be  noted.  Latin  and  Oscan-Umbrian  do  not 
agree  in  form.     The  former  has  the  consonant  type  -es  >  -is  and 

'  Or  for  Oscan  -ifis,  Buck,  Voc,  p.  49. 

2  Latin  has  senatorbus,  C.  I.  L.  I,  196,  which  may  well  be  doubted  on  the 
ground  of  senatoribus  (2)  and  mulieribus  on  the  same  inscription.  Cf.  Stoltz 
Lat.  Gram.,2  p.  344.     Allen,  Early  Latin,  p.  29. 

3Brugmann,  Gr.  II,  p.  711. 


2  2  THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION 

•os  >  -us,  while  the  latter  preserves  the  /-stem  form  eis,  O.  -eis, 
U.  -es.  An  element  of  similarity  is,  however,  noticeable.  The 
metaplasm  is  complete  in  each  group.  Latin,  in  no  instance, 
preserves  the  /-stem  form  :  Oscan-Umbrian  has  that  form  con- 
stantly and  without  exception.  The  conditions  are  different  from 
those  in  the  nominative  plural,  in  which  the  forms  are  well  dis- 
tinguished in  Oscan-Umbrian.  It  is  probable,  then,  that  in  the 
Italic  period  there  was  not  a  complete  metaplasm  as  in  the  abl. 
sg.,  but  that  the  forms  -eis  and  -es  were  used  indiscriminately. 
Latin  has  preserved  -es  and  Oscan-Umbrian  -eis. 

It  is  evident  that  the  metaplasm  advanced  no  further  in  the 
Italic  period.  Its  force,  however,  was  retained  long  after  the 
period  of  separation.  In  Latin  it  lived  to  cause  identity  of 
form  to  a  greater  or  less  extent  in  the  ace.  and  abl.  sg.  and  in 
the  plural  cases  other  than  the  dat.-abl.,  and  remained  as  an 
active  factor  in  the  historical  period,  making  constantly  for  a 
complete  amalgamation  of  the  two  systems.  On  the  other  hand 
no  such  activity  is  discernible  in  Oscan-Umbrian.  The  sole 
result  was  the  survival,  in  the  gen.  sg.,  of  the  /-stem  form  -eis,  a 
partial  step  only,  since  confusion  must  have  been  established  in 
the  Italic.  To  be  noted,  however,  is  the  fact  that  in  Latin  the 
consonant  forms  have  been  preserved  in  the  singular  in  marked 
contrast  with  the  tendency  of  the  earlier  period. 

The  Italic  languages  are  characterized  by  a  marked  frequency 
of  /-stem  forms  among  the  adjectives.  Original  /-stem  types  are 
more  consistently  preserved  in  words  belonging  to  that  declen- 
sion, and  are  more  generally  transferred  to  adjectives  of  differ- 
ent origin,  e.  g.,  for  the  /-stems  abl.  sg.  in  -I  in  distinction  to  the 
-e  of  substantives,  acri,  celebrl,  equestn,  tristl,  etc.;  ace.  pi.  in  -Is, 
omuls,  mortalis;  gen.  pi.  in  -turn  and  neuter  pi.  in  -ia.  The  same 
characteristics  are  observable  among  adjectives,  originally  conso- 
nantal in  inflexion,  e.  g.,  ingenti,  inerti, perpetl,  evident!1  :  ace.  pi. 
amantis,  prudentls,  hebetls  :  neuter  pi.  always  -ia  except  in  Vetera; 
gen.  pi.  'turn,  e.  g.,  amantium,  inertium. 

It  is  evident,  therefore,  that  the  /-stem  forms  possess  excep- 
tional vitality  among  the  adjectives,  both  in  persistence  in  their 

'  Cf.  Neue,  Formen.3  II,  pp.  51  ff.:  divite  is  the  prevailing  type  for  dives. 


THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION  23 

original  position  and  in  extensive  transfer  to  the  consonant 
declension.  Likewise  /-stem  forms  often  exist  among  the  adjec- 
tives beside  corresponding  consonant  terminations,  when  the 
same  words  are  used  as  participles  or  substantives.  The  basis 
for  this  distinction  seems  to  lie  in  the  difference  in  function. 

The  facts  noted  above  may  not  reasonably  be  separated  from 
the  further  fact  that  in  the  entire  Italic  group  there  is  a  tendency 
toward  /-formations  among  the  adjectives  [cf.  p.  13  above),  a  tend- 
ency supported  by  the  analogies  of  other  languages.  It  may, 
then,  be  accepted  that  there  come  into  Italic  from  the  parent 
speech  a  considerable  number  of  compound  adjectives  in  /,  exist- 
ing beside  a  substantival  simplex  in  0.  Further,  in  the  case  of 
adjectives  in  0,  beside  forms  in  /  in  Indo-European,  the  /-form 
has  become  the  prevailing  type  in  Latin  (p.  14). 

In  the  instance  of  parallelism  between  0-  and  w-stems,  the 
latter  type  was,  in  general,  adjectival  in  function,  as  appears  in 
the  relation,  Skt./<f/,  Gr.  ttws,  Lat.  pes  :  Skt.  pdda-m,  Gr.  iriSov,  U. 
perum,  beside  Skt.  pddya-,  Gr.  Tre'^os,  Lat.  acupedius,  Lith.  lingva- 
pedys  "swift-footed."  It  has  been  assumed  that  the  weak  grade 
in  -j-  of  this  suffix  has  been  merged  in  the  /-declension.  If  this 
be  true,  the  relation  adjective  in  /  to  substantive  in  0  becomes  a 
more  numerous,  and,  in  fact,  a  very  considerable  category  in  the 
Italic  languages.  The  group  must  have  constituted  a  very 
extensive  body  of  /-stems  existing  among  the  adjectives,  and 
possibly  the  largest  proportion  of  words  possessing  that  function 
belonged  in  this  category. 

It  may,  then,  be  assumed  that  the  /-stem  formation  came  to 
be  viewed  as  the  distinctive  type  of  the  adjectival  function,  and 
that  the  category,  for  that  reason,  possessed  sufficient  linguistic 
weight  to  make  the  original  /-stems  less  susceptible  to  meta- 
plastic influence,  and  to  cause  an  extension  of  its  forms  and  an 
infection  of  consonant  stems  more  extensive  than  that  noted  for 
substantives.  Such  a  heavy  and  compact  mass  of  forms  may 
well  have  influenced  the  whole  category  in  this  way,  and,  like- 
wise, may  have  occasioned  the  transfer  of  some  adjectives  from 
the  0-  or  consonant  declensions  by  reason  of  the  tendency  of 
identity  of  function  to  eliminate  diversity  of   form. 


SYNCRETISM 


The  term  Syncretism  is  applicable  to  instances  in  which  a 
given  case  form  in  any  declension  possesses  a  series  of  functions 
which,  in  the  final  analysis,  must  be  referred,  not  to  a  single 
syntactical  force,  but  to  two  or  more  such  primary  forces.  A 
single  case  form  thus  assumes  the  functions  previously  pos- 
sessed by  two  or  more  cases,  and  the  grammatical  apparatus  is 
simplified  and  its  diversity  of  form  reduced  by  the  total  or 
approximately  total  exclusion  of  the  forms  thus  yielding  to 
syncretism.  This  phenomenon  appears  in  the  Indo-European 
languages  in  two  types  :  i)  A  single  case  may  have  performed 
double  syntactical  duty  from  the  earliest  times,  or  2)  the  con- 
dition may  be  the  result  of  a  genuine  contamination  and  merg- 
ing of  functions.  The  former  must  be  viewed  as  an  inheritance 
from  the  parent  speech ;  the  latter  as  a  result  of  some  linguistic 
force  tending  to  reduce  complexity  in  the  declensional  systems. 

There  exist  the  following  instances  of  syncretism  as  an 
inherited  and  original  condition  : 

1)  Dative-ablative  plural ;  2)  genitive-ablative  singular,1  except 

'The  ablative  had  a  separate  form  only  in  the  pronouns  and  in  the  sg.  of 
the  0-stems.  Otherwise  it  was  merged  with  the  gen.  in  the  singular  and  the 
dat.  in  the  plural.  The  former  condition  seems  natural  {cf.  p.  29  and  Delbriick, 
Grundriss  III,  p.  191),  but  why  is  it  identified  with  the  dative  in  the  plural? 
Lanman  (Noun  Inflection,  p.  583)  holds  for  linguistic  economy,  the  dative 
being  taken  as  the  nearest  form  in  infrequency  of  usage.  Gaedecke  (Ace.  im 
Veda,  p.  144,  Anm.)  assigns  actual  syntactical  contact  as  the  cause,  and  Delbriick 
(p.  190)  adds  further  cases  of  the  same  nature.  To  these  may  be  added  the 
Lith.  usage  with  verbs  of  stealing  in  a  sense  allied  to  that  of  separation, 
e.  g.,  pavoge  tdm  seniui  tq.  azkq.  "  he  stole  the  goat  from  the  old  man  "  ;  also 
various  constructions  in  Homer  of  the  nature  of  a  dative  of  advantage,  e.  g., 
Aavotvi  \01ybv  &/xvvov,  A  456,  "ward  off  destruction  from  the  Danai,"  d/iuv^uei'cu 
&pe<r<nv,  E  486,  "  to  protect  the  wives,"  beside  the  same  force  with  genitive,  e.  g., 
oXXd  Zeus  Krjpas  dfivvev  waidds  iov,  N  1 09. 

24 


THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION  25 

in  pronouns  and  0-stems  save  in  Avestan  and  Italic  ;  3)  nomina- 
tive and  accusative  neuter,  both  singular  and  plural  j1  4)  nomina- 
tive and  vocative  of  dual  and  plural ;  5)  in  the  oldest  type  of 
the  dual,  the  various  functions  are  borne  by  three  forms,  the 
nom.-voc.-acc,  the  inst.-dat.-abl.,  and  the  gen.-loc. 

A  condition  analogous  to  the  above  may  be  noted  in  cases  of 
accidental  identity  of  form  by  reason  of  the  union  of  the  case 
ending  and  stem  vowel,  as  in  the  dative  and  locative  of  the  d- 
declension,  e.  g.,  a  -\-  -ai  =  -di  :  a  -f-  i  =  di." 

The  other  type  of  syncretism,  that  process  of  simplification 
of  case  systems  which  has  occurred  within  the  separate  history 
of  the  individual  languages,  has  been  considered  by  Delbriick  as 
the  result  of  three  possible  influences  :  r)  contact  occasioned  by 
confusion  of  prepositions,  2)  contact  in  actual  syntactical  usage, 
and  3)  identity  of  form. 

As  regards  the  first  element,  it  is  evident  that  prepositions 
may  be  used  with  different  cases  and  with  substantially  identical 
meaning.  This  is  evident,  even  in  Sanskrit,  in  which  the  dis- 
tinctions are  generally  well  preserved.3 

For  other  languages  more  striking  instances  may  be  added, 
e.  g.,  Gothic  —  in  filuwaurdein  seinai,  Matt.  6  :  7,  "because  of  their 
much  talking,"  beside  in  pizozei  waihtais,  Eph.  3:1,  "for  this 
cause  "  :  ana  staina,  Matt.  7  :  24,  "  upon  a  rock,"  but  ana  baurgs, 
Tit.  1  :  5,  "in  the  cities"  :  afar  twans  dagans,  Matt.  26  :  2,  "after 
two  days,"  but  afar  pamtna  hlaiba,  John  13:27,  "after  the  sop  "  : 
iah  atstandands  ufar  ija,  Luke  4  :  39,  "  and  standing  above  her," 
but  warp  riqis  ufar  allai  airpai,  Matt.  27  :  45,  "  there  was  darkness 
over  all  the  earth"  :  Lithuanian  —  cf.  uz  with  both  ace.  and  gen. 
in  sense  "  behind."4  Old  Bulgarian — po  paiz  "  upon  the  way," 
po  morjo  "on  the  sea,"  beside /0  vise  grady  "in  all  cities"  :  vz  tz 
dene  "on  that  day,"  vz  sija  nostz  "on  this  night,"  beside  be  ob 
nostz  vz  molitve  boziji  "  and  he  tarried  all  night  in  prayer  to  God  "  : 

'For  the  explanation  of  this  condition  cf.  Delbriick,  Grun.  Ill,  p.  189. 
2Brugmann,  Gr.  II,  p.  738. 

3  Whitney,  Skt.  Gram.2  293a,  1127. 

4  Schleicher,  Handbuch,  p.  290. 


26  THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION 

za  tvoja.  beseda.  "because  of  your  speech,"  beside  za  stracha 
jodijiska  "  from  fear  of  the  Jews." 

It  is  a  question,  however,  whether  the  preposition  was  so  vital 
a  factor  in  case  relations  at  the  time  at  which  the  syncretisms 
arose,  as  at  a  later  time.  If  the  prepositions  be  viewed  as  crys- 
tallized case  forms  of  demonstrative  stems,  it  seems  probable  that 
at  first  they  were  accessory  only  and  that  the  case  endings  alone 
served  to  express  the  various  case  relations.  Later  the  preposition 
must  have  become  more  intimately  associated  with  the  idea  thus 
conveyed,  until  it  was  felt  to  be  essential  and  equal  to  the  case 
ending  in  grammatical  value.  Still  further  the  preposition  has 
in  many  cases  assumed  predominating  force  over  the  ending. 
Hence,  granting  that  the  preposition  possessed  force  equal  to 
that  of  the  case,  a  diversity  of  function  may  well  have  assisted 
the  syncretism.  If,  on  the  contrary,  the  prepositions  were  merely 
accessory  forms,  the  difference  of  function  in  such  words  may  be 
a  result  rather  than  a  cause  of  the  syncretism.  Such  an  instance 
may  possibly  be  found  in  the  use  of  Latin  ab  with  both  abl.  and 
inst.  function.  The  original  force  seems  to  have  been  that  of 
the  abl.,  e.  g.,  Skt.  dpa,  Grk.  a-rro.  Hence  the  double  function,  in 
senses  "by"  and  "from,"  may  have  been  suggested  by  the 
syncretism  of  the  abl.  and  inst.  The  same  word  in  Gothic,  ab, 
is  used  with  instrumental  value,  e.  g.,  ab  saurgom  afhapnand, 
Luke  8:14,  "choked  with  cares." 

On  the  other  hand,  prepositions  may  acquire  a  variety  of 
functions,  other  than  by  a  syncretism  of  cases,  e.  g.,  Av.  aiwi, 
used  with  both  loc.  and  dat.  in  the  sense  "upon,"  but  without 
syncretism  of  the  cases;  antarj  "between,  among"  used  with 
inst.  and  loc;  faro  " before,  beside"  with  abl.,  gen.  and  loc.  :  pasca 
"after,  behind"  with  ace,  inst.,  abl.,  gen.' 

Again  prepositions  may  develop  a  variety  of  meanings  with- 
out syncretism  of  the  cases,  e.  g.,  Av.  pcfti  "with"  or  "at"  with 
ace,  inst.,  abl.  and  loc,  beside  Skt.  prdti  "into"  with  ace,  Av. 
avi  "to"  with  ace,  "in"  with  loc.  and  "from"  with  abl.  without 
trace  of  syncretism  in  case  endings. 

As  regards  the  third  factor,  identity  of  form,  it  is  evident  that 

1  Jackson,  Avesta  Grammar,  Pt.  I,  p.  204. 


THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION  27 

such  a  condition,  arising  by  reason  of  phonetic  change,  would 
readily  occasion  syncretism.  In  Goth,  the  dat.  case  of  the  0- 
stems  having  dat.,  inst.,  abl.  and  loc.  function  may  be  referred  to 
any  one  of  the  following  forms,  *dagat  loc;  *dagdi  dat.;  *dago 
inst.,  or  *dqgod  abl.'  It  is  also  possible  that  partial  identity  of 
form  may  promote  syncretism.  The  conditions  would  be  two 
given  cases,  possessing  a  partial  identity  or  similarity  of  form. 
Analogy  might,  then,  cause  elimination  of  the  difference  of 
function  bv  that  force  by  which  resemblance  of  form  suggests 
likeness  in  function.1'  This  element  may  possibly  be  noted  in 
the  case  of  the  abl. -inst.  in  Italic,  e.  g.,  b,  bd ;  a,  ad ;  u,  ud ;  /,  Id. 
A  further  factor  is  that  of  syntactical  contact.  It  seems  that 
each  case  must  have  possessed  a  primary  force  which  may  be 
viewed  as  its  distinguishing  characteristic.  These  primary  forces 
must,  however,  be  regarded  as  the  centers  of  syntactical  areas, 
from  which  radiate  numerous  secondary  functions.  Hence, 
though  the  primary  forces  be  wholly  different  in  character,  these 
secondary  syntactical  extensions  may  not  only  approach  but  also 
intersect  or  coincide.  Such  a  contact  becomes  evident  from  the 
comparison  of  the  cases,  notably  the  ablative  and  genitive  and  the 
dative  and  locative. 

1.    Ablative  and  Instrumental. 

The  original  forces  of  these  cases  must  have  been  respectively 
separatio)i  or  source  and  accompaniment  or  association.  In  the 
secondary  forces,  however,  the  two  cases  come  in  contact  as 
follows  : 

a)  Instrumental  —  A  derived  force  appears  in  the  usage, 
which  expresses  instrument  ox  means,1  e.g.,  Skt.  bhadr&m  kdrnebhih 
(rnuyama  "  may  we  hear  with  our  ears  what  is  auspicious " ; 
(astrena  nidhanam*  "death  bv  the  sword"  ;  Greek  x€LP^  T€  fMLV 
Karep€$ev,  A.  361,  "caressed  him  with  her  hand  "  ;  Ai#ois  ZfiaWov,  X. 
A.  5,  4,  23,  "they  pelted  them  with  stones":  Old  Bulgarian 
jisplztiise  se  strachonu,   Luke  5  :  26,  "they  were   filled  with  fear"  ; 

1  Cf.  Kluge,  in  Paul's  Gr.,  p.  386;  Brugmann,  Gr.  II,  pp.  599,  617,  628. 

2  Wheeler,  Analogy,  p.  29. 
''Whitney,  Sanskrit  Gram.2  §  280. 


28  THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION 

toja.  bo  meroja,  Luke  6  :  38,  "by  that  measure"  ;  trzstt  It  vetromc 
dvizemy,  Luke  27  :  24,  "a  reed  shaken  by  the  wind"  :  Lithuanian 
lazdd  miiszti  "to  strike  with  the  staff";  keliu  vaziuti  "to  go  by 
the  road."  This  force  readily  passes  into  an  expression  of 
occasion  or  reason,  e.  g.,  Skt.  krpaya1  "through  pity";  tena 
satyena  "by  that  truth"  :  Grk.  ayvoia  iia/jLaprdvovai,  X.  C.  3,  1,  38, 
"they  err  by  reason  of  ignorance"  :  Old  Bulgarian  azz  ze  scde 
gladomz  gybla  "  I  perish  from  hunger";  Lithuanian  badii  gaiszti 
"to  perish  from  hunger"  ;  drugiii  sirgti  "to  be  sick  of  a  fever." 

b)  Ablative — The  ablative  may  come  to  mean  procedure,  as 
from  a  cause  or  occasion,  e.  g.,  Skt.  v&jrasya  cusmdd  daddra  3  "  from 
the  fury  of  the  thunderbolt  he  burst  asunder"  :  Grk.  rio  8'  avr 
€7ri/i€/A<£eai,  B.  225,  "on  what  account  do  you  again  find  fault"  :  Old 
Bulgarian  strazdasteji  otz  duchz  nicistz,  Luke  6:18,  "afflicted  by 
unclean  spirits"  :  Lithuanian  jis  nusigando  to  zbdzo  "he  was 
terrified  at  the  word  ";  asz  bbdzus  to  valgio,  "  I  loathe  food."  There 
is  evidently  a  contact  in  the  force,  occasion,  or  cause.  The 
instrumental  may  also  be  used  with  verbs  denoting  separation,3 
and  the  two  cases  are  used  with  the  verb  "drink"  to  denote  the 
cup  or  vessel.4 

2.    Dative  and  Locative. 

The  primary  force  of  the  locative  was  situation  or  location. 
Extended  usages,  however,  are  found  in  1)  the  forces  "  in  case  of," 
"respecting,"  "with  reference  to,"  e.  g.,  Skt.  tdm  it sakhitvd  Ima/ie5 
"him  we  beg  for  friendship"  :  Old  Bulgarian  lie  jaste  ne  szb/az- 
nitz  se  0  vine  "who  shall  not  be  offended  at  me";  ubudite  sja 
pravde,  1  Cor.  15  :  34,  "awake  to  (with  respect  to)  righteousness"  : 
2)  with  verbs  of  "arriving,"  "placing,"  "showing,"  "bestowing," 
or  as  a  goal  or  object  of  motion,  action,  or  feeling,  e.  g.,  sd  id 
deve  u  gacchati  "that,  truly,  goes  to  the  gods";  sam  crutya 
piirvam  asmdsu  "having  before  promised   us"  :  O.  B.  nalezestjo 

1  Whitney,  Sanskrit  Gram.2  §  280. 

2  Schleicher,  Lith.  Gr.  p.  267. 

3  Whitney,  Skt.  Gram.2  §  283,  and  Delbruck,  Gr.  Ill,  §  1 10. 
■•Uelbriick,  Gr.  Ill,  §§87  and  113. 

5  Whitney,  Skt.  Gram.2  §  304  b. 


THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION  29 

t'emd  narodu,  Luke  5:1,  "as  the  people  pressed  upon  him"; 
kosmd  sja  podolzce  rizy  jego,  Matt.  9  :  20,  "she  touched  the  hem 
of  his  garment"  :  3)  with  nouns  and  adjectives  having  similar 
forces.1 

With  these  usages  may  be  compared  those  of  the  dative  in  1) 
the  force  "with  reference  to,"  e.  g.,  Skt.  isumk  rtivdna  dsandya 
"making  an  arrow  for  hurling"  :  O.  B.  vznemljate  sebe,  Luke  21: 
34,  "take  heed  with  respect  to  yourselves"  :  2)  with  verbs  of 
"giving,"  "assigning,"  "moving,"  etc.,  e.  g.,  Skt.  yd  ?/d  ddddte 
sdkhye  "who  gives  not  to  a  friend";  O.  B.  pomanase pricestt- 
nikonu,  Luke  5  :  7,  "they  beckoned  unto  their  partners"  :  3)  verbs 
of  mental  status  signifying  "give  attention,"  "have  regard  for," 
"please,"  etc.,  e.  g.,  Skt.  yddyad  vocate  vipribhyah  "whatever  is 
pleasing  to  Brahmans,"  kirn  asmdbyham  hrrnse  "why  art  thou 
angry  with  us"?  O.  B.  revtnule  doromc  bo/isimt,  1  Cor.  12:31, 
"covet  the  best  gifts." 

There  are  assumed  for  Indo-European  eight  cases :  nomina- 
tive, vocative,  accusative,  instrumental,  dative,  ablative,  genitive, 
and  locative.  The  instances  of  syncretism  tending  to  eliminate 
this  diversity  of  form  are  as  follows.  In  Greek  such  a  process 
is  evident  at  two  points,  1)  the  dative,  locative,  and  instrumental2 
in  the  so-called  dative  form,  and  2)  the  genitive  and  ablative2 
in  the  genitive  form.  In  Latin  the  instrumental,  ablative,  and 
locative  have  become  merged  in  a  single  form,  in  most  cases  that 
of  the  ablative  {cf.  p.  30).  The  four  oblique  cases,  instrumental, 
ablative,  locative,  and  dative,  have  become  syncretized  in  Ger- 
manic, the  nominative  and  accusative  functions  are,  in  certain 
cases,  borne  by  a  single  form,3  and  the  nominative  is  often  used  as 
a  vocative.  Irish  is  on  a  line  with  Germanic,  since  the  so-called 
dative  form  has  the  functions  of  the  instrumental,  dative,  loca- 
tive, and  ablative.  In  Balto-Slavic  both  Lithuanian  and  Old 
Bulgarian  have  syncretism  of  the  genitive  and  ablative.  The 
form  for  the  singular  of  the  0-stems  is  that  of  the  ablative,  else- 
where the  genitive. 

1  Whitney,  Skt.  Gram.2  §  304  b. 
2Brugmann,  Gr.  Gr.2  pp.  207,  205. 
3Brugmann,  Gr.  II,  pp.  526,  547. 


3°  THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION 

SYNCRETISiM  IN   ITALIC. 

Latin  shows  the  following  instances  of  syncretism  :  i)  the 
ablative,  locative,  and  instrumental  in  the  so-called  ablative 
form  and  in  both  singular  and  plural  of  all  declensions  ;  2) 
the  dative  and  locative  of  the  a-stems  ;  3)  the  dative  and  loca- 
tive of  the /-stems;1  4)  the  genitive  and  locative  of  the  <?-stems;2 
5)  the  nominative  and  accusative  plural  of  /-  and  consonant- 
stems  and  possibly,  also,  the  same  cases  in  the  ^-declension.3 

Oscan  and  Umbrian  have  the  following  certain  cases  of  syn- 
cretism :  1)  the  ablative  and  instrumental,  e.g.,  O.  ablative,  Amvi- 
anud,  BtrviANtJD  "a  Boviano,"  eisucen  ziculud  "ab  eo  die''; 
inst.  ammid  egmas  tovticas  "  rei  publicae  causa,"  tristaamentud 
"  testimonio,"  altrud  ligud  "  cum  altero  lege,"  cum  preivatud 
"  cum  privato,"  dolud  malud  "  dolo  malo,"  mvjltasikad  "  multa- 
ticia,"  serevkid  "  auspicio,"  rehtud  amnItd  "recto  circuito," 
muinikad  tanginud  "communi  sententia";  U.  abl.  akru-tu  "ex 
agro,"  ehe  esu  poplu  "ex  hoc  populo,"  anglu-tu  "  ab  angulo"  : 
inst.  adputrati  "arbitratu,"  nomne  "nomine,"  paca  "causa," 
esu  bue  peracre  "hoc  bove  opimo,"  persklu  "  supplicatione," 
pure  "  igne,"  pone  "  posca,"  vea  "  via." 

2)  Dative  and  locative  of  the  «-stems,4  e.  g.,  O.  dat.  anters- 
tatai  "  interstitae,"  deivai  gexetai  "  deae  genetrici,"  entrai 
"  interae,"  PernaI  "  Pernae,"  Anagtiai  "  Augitiae  "  :  loc.  Bansae 
"Bantiai,"  eisai  via!  mefiai  "in  ea  via  media,"  aasai  purasiai 
"in  ara  igniaria,"  medikkia!  "  magistratu."  U.  dat.  ase  "  arae," 
cerfie  "  cerfiae,"  mefe  "  mensae,"  tote  "  civitate  "  :  loc.  scalsie  "in 
patera,"  totem-e,  tote  "  in  civitate,"  sate  "  in  sancta,"  Akedunie 
"  in  Aquilonia." 

3)  Dative  and  locative  of  /-stems  (//.  p.  44). 

In  the  plural,  as  in  Latin,  the  dat.,  abl.,  or  inst.  form   pos- 

1  Assumed  on  the  basis  of  the  forms  which  are  locative.  Cf.  Brugmann,  Gr. 
II,  pp.  604,  605. 

2 Brugmann,  Gr.  II,  p.  586. 

3  Brugmann,  Gr.  II,  p.  666. 

*  Here  as  in  Latin  the  syncretism  may  be  viewed  as  an  accidental  identity 
of  form  (p.  25). 


THE  LA 'J  IN  THIRD  DECLENSION  31 

sesses  four  functions,  dat.,  abl.,  loc,  and  inst.,  e.  g.,  O.  dat.  dek- 
manniuIs  "  decumanis,"  huntruis  "  inferis,"  supruis'  "  superis," 
lIgatuis  "  legatis,"  anafriss  "imbribus,"  MAATfjis  kerrjuis 
"  manibus  cerealibus"  :  inst.  aisusis  "sacrificus"  :  loc.  op  eizois 
"  apud  eos,"  anter  teremnIss  "  inter  terminos,"  exaiscen  ligis, 
"  hisce  in  legibus." 

U.  dat.  fratrus  "  fratribus,"  homonus  "  hominibus,"  aketus 
"  agentibus,"  nerus  sihitir  "  principibus  cunctis"  :  inst.  veskles 
vufites  "  vasculis  consecratis,"  veskles  snates  "vasculis 
umectis,"  adepes  arves  "adipibus  arviis,"  kapidus  "  capidibus," 
dupursus  "  bipedibus,"  asesetes  karnus  "  non  sectis  carnibus  "  : 
loc.  pre-veres  "  ante  portam,"  tuvere  kapidus  "  in  duobus 
capidibus,"  vasus  "  vasis,"  fesner-e  "  in  fanis,"  fondlire  "  in 
fontulis  "  ;  abl.  vapersus  "ab  sellis." 

In  the  early  history  of  the  Italic  group  there  appear  to  have 
arisen  two  syncretisms:  1)  that  of  the  abl.  and  inst.,  and  2) 
that  of  the  dat.  and  loc.  The  former  is  evident  in  all  declen- 
sions and  both  numbers.  The  causes  may  have  been  syntactical 
contact  (p.  27)  and  in  certain  cases  approximate  identity  of 
form.  The  latter  may  be  noted  in  the  entire  plural  and  in  the 
singular  of  the  a-  and  /-stems.  Herein  also  functional  contact 
may  have  been  the  cause,  and  in  the  case  of  the  a-stems,  identity 
of  form.  In  the  plural,  therefore,  four  functions  were  brought 
within  the  scope  of  a  single  form.  For  the  consonant,  /-,  and 
«-stems  this  form  was  the  dat. -abl.,  for  the  0-  and  «-stems  the 
instrumental. 

For  the  consonant  declension  slightly  different  conditions 
must  be  noted.  The  abl.  force  in  this  declension  was  borne  by 
the  gen.  originally.  There  are,  however,  no  traces  of  this  con- 
dition in  Italic.  But  there  can  be  no  objection  to  the  supposi- 
tion that  the  metaplasm  and  transfer  of  -Id  to  that  declension 
was  as  early  as  the  syncretism  of  the  inst. -abl.  Hence  as  3d,  ad, 
iid  assumed  this  double  function,  it  is  probable  that  id  did  the 
same  for  both  /"-  and  consonant  stems,  and  further,  as  the  inst. 
forms  0,  a,  u  were  displaced  by  the  ablatives,  it  is  probable 
that  -id  also   prevailed  to  the  exclusion  of  the  inst.  of  the  con- 

1  Bugge,  Alt. -It.  Stud.,  p.  40. 


32  THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION 

sonant  stem,  whatever  that  may  have  been.  Accordingly  the 
conditions  in  the  various  declensions  would  be  as  follows,  sin- 
gular—  <?-stems,  a  loc.  in  -ei  and  an  abl.-inst.  -3d;  a-stems,  a 
loc.-dat.  -ai  and  an  abl.-inst.  -ad;  /-stems,  a  loc.-dat.  -ei  and 
an  'abl-inst.  -id;  consonant  stems,  an  abl.-inst.  id  and  a  loc. 
i;  plural  — the  dat.,  loc,  abl.,  and  inst.  functions  in  a  single 
form. 

In  the  Latin  of  the  classical  period  further  conditions  are 
noticeable.  The  locative  function  has  become  merged  in  the 
ablative-instrumental  with  relatively  few  exceptions  in  the 
instance  of  the  o-  and  a-stems.  The  causes  for  this  syncretism 
appear  to  have  been  the  following.  After  the  rise  of  the  meta- 
plasm  in  the  third  declension  there  existed  an  abl.-inst.  in  -la 
beside  a  locative  in  i.  At  an  early  period,  before  /  changed  to  e, 
the  similarity  of  form  might  have  suggested  an  identity  of  func- 
tion, somewhat  before  the  parallel  syncretism  in  the  other  declen- 
sions. Further,  in  the  plural  of  all  the  declensions,  the  locative 
function  was  borne  by  the  same  form  as  the  abl.-inst.  In  the 
latter  instance  the  existence  of  so  large  a  body  of  forms  having 
all  three  forces  might  well  occasion,  by  analogy,  a  similar  condi- 
tion at  other  points  in  the  various  declensional  systems. 

It  remains  to  consider  whether  this  condition  is  characteristic 
of  Oscan-Umbrian  as  of  Latin.  First,  it  is  noticeable  that  the 
locatives  of  the  o-  and  a-stems  are  better  preserved  than  in  Latin. 
In  the  latter  language  the  instances  are  relatively  few  in  num- 
ber, e.  g.,  huml  jacere,  belli  domlque,  Romce.  In  Osc.-Umbrian, 
however,  the  type  is  well  preserved,  e.  g.,  O.  MtriNiKEi  terei  "in 
commune  territorio,"  thesaurei  "  in  thesauro,"  Frentrei 
"  Frentri,"  aasai  purasiai  "  in  ara  igniaria,"  eisai  viai  mefiai 
"  in  ea  via  media"  :  U.  desire  onse  "  in  dextro  humero,"  Fisie-m, 
Fisie  "in  Fisio,"  lolem-e  "in  civitate,"  rupinie  "in  rubinia," 
Akedunie  "  in  Aquilonia."  It  seems,  therefore,  that  this  syn- 
cretism has  not  progressed  so  far  as  in  Latin.  A  further  ques- 
tion involves  the  consideration  whether  it  has  affected  Oscan- 
Umbrian  in  any  degree,  and,  if  so,  to  what  extent. 

For  the  /-stems  the  question  is  complicated  by  the  fact  that 
in  Umbrian  the  abl.-inst.  form  in  -e  cannot  be  distinguished  from 


THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION  33 

the  dative  or  from  a  possible  locative  in  -e  derived  from  I.-E.  -e.T 
In  the  case  of  the  abl.  in  -I  it  is  alone  possible  to  distinguish  the 
form,  and  of  these  cases,  relatively  few  in  number,  none  appear 
to  possess  a  certain  locative  force.  However,  such  a  function  is 
noticeable  in  the  instance  of  the  same  form,  transferred  to  the 
consonant  declension,  e.  g.,  testru-ku  pedi  "ad  dextrum  pedem," 
nestru-ku  pedi  "  ad  sinistrum  pedem."  It  would  seem,  therefore, 
that  the  same  force  must  have  belonged  to  this  form  in  its  original 
position,  the  /-declension.  In  Oscan  there  are  three  instances 
of  the  abl.  of  the  /-stem,  e.  g.,  slaagid,  akrid,  sakrid.  Of 
these  the  first  alone  seems  to  bear  on  the  question  in  hand.  The 
word  certainly  denotes  a  point  in  space  and  can  possess  neither 
abl.  nor  inst.  force,  as  defining  the  preceding  word  sakaraklum. 
Biicheler2  has  identified  the  usage  with  the  Latin  "e  regione" 
in  the  sense  "opposite  to,"  "facing."  The  natural  translation  of 
the  form,  however,  seems  to  be  "in  loco"  and  the  construction 
thus  becomes  locative.  If  the  necessity  for  avoiding  such  a  force 
in  an  abl.  form  be  removed,  it  seems  possible  to  view  the  word  as 
locative.  Such  an  objection  may  best  be  removed  by  a  consider- 
ation of  the  abl.  forms  of  the  o-,  a-,  and  ^-declensions.  In  Oscan 
no  instances  of  a  locative  usage  without  a  preposition  occur,  but 
with  certain  prepositions  it  seems  to  appear,  e.  g.,  up  ei'sud  saka- 
raklud  i36"apudid  sacrum,"  ap  tovtad  231  "  apud  populum." 
The  evident  meaning  is  locative,3  as  in  the  plural,  e.  g.,  ap  eizois 
231.  But  further  Umbrian  gives  evidence  of  an  abl.  form  used 
with  loc.  force,  e.  g.,  testru  "at  the  right,"  termnuco  stahituto 
"ad  terminum  stanto,"  vukukum  "in  luco  Jovis,"  andervomu  ser- 
situ  "inter  rogos  sedito." 

It  would  seem,  therefore,  that  the  syncretism  of  the  locative 
with   the  abl. -inst.   in   the  singular  had,  in   a  measure,  made   its 

1  Brugmann,  Gr.  II,  pp.  604,  612. 

2Mommsen,  p.  231. 

3  The  objection  to  such  a  view  is  that  the  locative  force  may  inhere  in  the 
preposition.  Delbruck  (Gr.  Ill,  p.  677)  identifies  the  word  with  Skt.  dpi,  Av. 
a* pi,  Grk.  kiri.  Both  Greek  and  Sanskrit  use  the  form  with  the  locative  and 
that  seems  to  have  been  one  of  its  inherent  usages.  Hence  ap  would  seem  to 
require  a  locative  force  in  the  word  depending  upon  it. 


34  THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION 

appearance  in  Oscan-Umbrian,  but  to  no  such  extent  as  in  Latin. 
In  general,  also,  it  seems  that  it  was  a  much  later  process  than 
that  by  which  the  ablative  and  instrumental  functions  were  amal- 
gamated. 

The  syncretism  in  the  instance  of  the  nom.  and  ace.  plural  of 
the  third  declension  was  relatively  late  and  purely  a  Latin  phe- 
nomenon. It  is  supported  by  analogies  of  other  languages,  e.  g., 
Grk.  t/jcTs,  Tpis;1  O.  B.  nom.  sg.  of  ^-sterns  in  z  ;2  Av.  ddtdro,  ace. 
Skt.  ddirn;  O.  B.  nosti  raky ;  In  O.  N.  and  West  Germ,  the  nom. 
and  ace.  plural  have  frequently  become  confused.3  This  cannot, 
however,  be  viewed  as  genuine  syncretism.  It  does  not  seem 
that  there  can  have  been  any  intimate  syntactical  contact,  for  the 
functions  of  the  two  cases  are  well  defined.  A  possible  explana- 
tion for  Latin  may  appear  in  the  fact  that  in  the  consonant 
declensions  the  forms  had  become  identical  by  metaplasm,  e.  g., 
-es  from  /-stems  and  ace.  -es  <  -ens.  This  identity  might  affect 
the  closely  related  /-stems. 

1  Brugmann,  Gr.  II,  p.  664 ;  Brugmann,  Gr.  Gr.2  p.  136. 

2  Brugmann,  Gr.  II,  p.  532. 

3  Kluge,  in  Paul's  Gr.  I,  p.  386. 


THE  CASE   FORMS  IN   DETAIL. 


Nominative. — In  this  case,  the  endings  of  the  two  declensions 
are  in  general  well  preserved.  In  one  category,  however,  confu- 
sion may  be  noted,  viz.,  the  original  /-stems,  which  have  a  nom. 
sg.  differing  in  no  respect  from  that  of  the  consonant  declen- 
sion, e.  g.,  mens,  Skt.  matis  "thought,"  Goth,  ga-munds  "remem- 
brance," O.  E.  ge-mynd,  Lith.  isz-mintis  "understanding,"  O.  B. 
pa-?netc  :  mors,  Skt.  mrtis  "death,"  Lith.  mirtis,  O.  B.  sz-mrzt6  : 
ars,  Skt.  rtis  "ratio,"  O.  B.  rett  :  fors,  Skt.  bhrtis  "support," 
Goth,  ga-baurps  "birth,"  O.  E.  ge-byrd  :  nox,  Skt.  ndktis,  Lith. 
naktis  O.  B.  nosU  -.pons,  O.  B.  pate  "way,"  O.  Pr.  pintis,  U.  putites 
(nom.  pi.)  gens,  Skt.  jatis,  Av.  fra-zefntis  :  dds,  Skt.  datis,  ditis, 
Grk.  Sdo-is,  8oio-t5,  Lith.  dutis  "gift"  :  gldns,  O.  B.  zeladd  "acorn"  : 
quies,  Av.  sti^tis,  O.  P.  siyati  :  anas,  Lith.  dntis  "  duck,"   Skt.  atis. 

Further  the  /'-stem  character  of  these  words  is  proven  by  other 
facts,  i)  the  consistent  form  of  the  gen.  pi.  in  -turn1  and  2)  the 
presence  of  early  forms  of  these  words  with  a  nom.  sg.  -is,  e.  g., 
opis,  Plaut.,  Bacch.,  893,  stirpis,  Cic,  Leg.,  1,  8,  26;  municipis, 
C.  I.  L.,  2,  1964;  Col.  5,  p.  67  ;  sortis,  Plaut.,  Cas.,  358;  mentis, 
Ennius  in  Priscian,  p.  764,  Varro,  L.  L.,  5,  §  59  ;  lentis,  Priscian, 
p.  764. 

Various  explanations  may  be  sought  for  these  phenomena.  It 
is  possible  that  they  are  the  result  of  double  formation,  that 
there  were  originally  two  types  and  that  the  consonant  stem  form 
has  prevailed  to  the  exclusion  of  the  parallel  type  peculiar  to  the 
/-declension.  This  view  may  certainly  be  applied  to  specific 
cases,  for  of  the  types  *nokt-  and  *nokti-,  civitdt-  and  clvitdti-  the 
former  have  prevailed  in  Latin  nox  and  dvitds.  In  the  majority  of 
cases,  however,  the  /-stem  was  the  only  form  existing  from  Indo- 
European  times,  and  hence  this  condition  cannot  be  accepted  as 
the  specific  cause  in  all  instances. 

1  Neue,  Formenlehre3  I,  pp.  276,  277. 

35 


36  THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION 

It  is  further  possible  that  the  reduction  of  these  nominative 
forms  is  the  result  of  the  loss  of  /  by  syncope.'  This  hypothesis 
seems  hardly  tenable  for  the  following  reasons.  Syncope  may  be 
noted  for  Latin  in  the  instance  of  a  syllable  following  the  princi- 
pal accent,  in  case  there  follow  one  or  more  additional  syllables.2 
It  does  not  appear  that  syncope  occurs  in  Latin  in  a  final 
syllable,  save  in  the  instance  of  the  suffixes  -ro-,  -to-  and  -ri-,  -It-. 
In  these  cases,  certainly,  special  conditions  may  be  noted.  Hence 
it  will  not  escape  notice  that  for  mors,  gens,  dos,  etc.,  this  process 
must  be  supposed  under  conditions  different  from  those  noted 
above. 

Further  the  supposed  syncope  seems  to  be  of  a  decidedly 
sporadic  character.  It  appears  that  syncope  in  final  syllables, 
when  manifested,  affects  consistently  all  vowels  save  u,  e.  g.,  Lat. 
ager  <*agros,  sacer  <*sacris  :  Osc.  hurz  "hortus,"  cevs  "clvis," 
humuns  "homines";  Umbr.  pihaz  "  piatus, "/<?>«  <*faunis,  fust, 
ferest,  etc.  ;3  Germ,  dags,  gasts,  nahts  gen.  <*na/ites.*  It  is,  there- 
fore, in  point  to  inquire  why,  if  such  a  syncope  developed  in 
Latin,  it  did  not  affect  the  parallel  formations  in  o,  e.  g.,  mortits 
beside  mors;  quietus,  quies  ;  catus,  cos  ;  hortus,  co-hors.  Likewise 
if  syncope  be  claimed  for  -/-,  it  cannot  have  been  thorough  in 
effect,  e.  g.,  vliis,  crdtis,  grates,  vafis  beside  cos,  dos,  lis ;  sementis, 
gens,  pons  ;  fortis,  ars,  mors  ;  vrbis,  corbis,  scrobis,  turpis,  urbs. 

It  is  also  possible  to  assume  that  the  apparent  reduction  of 
*artis  to  ars,  *gentis  to  gens,  etc.,  is  a  further  step  in  that  meta- 
plasm  by  which  the  i-  and  consonant  systems  have  become 
amalgamated.  There  are  certainly  no  distinctive  reasons  why  a 
nom.  sg.  might  not  be  affected  by  such  a  process  as  readily  as 
other  cases.  There  is  nothing  more  anomalous  in  the  hypothet- 
ical fact  that  ^mortis  yields  to  mors  than  in  the  evident  fact  that 
*morteis  has  been  replaced  by  %mortes,  mortis.  But  the  plau- 
sibility of  this  hypothesis  is  increased  by  the  fact  that  /-stem 
forms  have  developed  in  the  nom.  sg.  of  certain  consonant  stems, 

'Corssen,  II,  pp.  597,  598,  599. 

2Brugmann,  Gr.  1,  p.  475;  Stolz,  Lat.  Gr.2  pp.  321  ff. 

3 Buck,  Voc,  194  ff.  ;   Flauta,  I,  225  ff.  ;  Brugmann,  Gr.  I,  pp.  475-6. 

4Brugmann,  Gr.  I,  p.  477  ;  K'luge,  in  Paul's  Gr.  I,  p.  359. 


THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION  37 

e.  g.,  juvenis,  Skt.  yuvdn;  eat/is,  Skt.  cvan,  Grk.  kvwv,  Lith.  szii; 
metisis,  Skt.  «/</!>',  (irk.  ^7/1/.  The  original  character  of  these 
words  seems  to  be  proven  by  the  consistent  appearance  of  -urn  in 
the  gen.  pi. 

Again,  the  instances  of  a  nom.  sg.  in  -is  in  the  words  in 
question  all  occur  after  the  metaplasm  has  become  fully  devel- 
oped and  established  in  certain  of  the  case  forms.  In  a  word,  the 
dat.-abl.  plural  had  -ibus  and  the  gen.  sg.  -es  at  a  period  so  early 
as  to  leave  no  trace  of  the  original  types.  On  the  other  hand,  a 
nom.  sg.  in  -is  is  proven  in  certain  words  in  which  it  later 
appears  as  -s.  A  reasonable  inference  may,  then,  be  that  the 
reduction  of  *artis  to  ars,  ^mentis  to  metis,  etc.,  occurred  at  a 
period  later  than  that  at  which  the  -eis  of  the  gen.  sg.  was  replaced 
by  -es.  If,  then,  this  change  from  -is  to  -s  took  place  at  a  time 
after  the  rise  of  the  metaplasm,  it  seems  that  it  was  not  a  cause 
of  that  process,  that  it  was  rather  a  resultant  of  the  metaplasm, 
an  effect  and  not  a  cause.  Hence  it  would  appear  that  the 
linguistic  force  underlying  this  change  was  analogy  and  not 
syncope. 

A  second  group  of  forms  has  in  the  nom.  sg.  a  consonant 
form,  while  in  the  same  words  in  other  languages  -os  appears, 
e.  g.,  faux,  Skt.  bhukas  "hole  ";  pax,  Skt.  pd(as  "  noose"  ;  puis, 
Grk.  ttoXtos  ;  lens,  Lith.  glindas  "louse";  trux,  Goth,  pwairh-s 
"angry";  vlvdx,  Lith.  gyvokas  "living";  latex,  Skt.  latakas ; 
strix,  Goth,  strifes  "stroke";  falx,  Grk.  <£oAkos,  <£aA/<7??,-  lanx, 
O.  B.  lakz  "crooked,"  Lith.  lanka  "valley";  lux,  Grk.  Acv'kos, 
Lith.  laukas,  Skt.  rbcas ;  senex,  Skt.  sanakds;  vertex,  Skt.  vdrtakas. 
To  these  forms  may  be  added  formations  in  -/ex,  referred  to 
-feco-,x  and  those  in  -ax,  -ix,  -ox,  e.  g.,  auddx,  feltx,  ferox. 

It  is  first  evident  that  the  forms  in  question  cannot  be  the 
result  of  the  syncope  of  final  -o-,  for  there  is  no  evidence  of  such 
a  loss  of  that  vowel  in  final  syllables.  Moreover,  the  words  bear 
evidence  of  an  /'-stem  character,  in  that  they  have  a  gen.  pi.  in 
-iitm,  e.  g.,  faucium,  pultium,  etc.2  It  therefore  seems  that  these 
words  must  have  been   /-stems   originally  or   have   assumed  their 

1  Brugmann,  Gr.  II,  p.  239. 

2  Neue,  I,3  pp.  272  ff. ;  cf.  Charisyas,  I,  1 17. 


38  THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION 

known  form  through  the  intermediate  stage  of  the  /-stems.  The 
former  hypothesis  is  to  a  certain  extent  reasonable.  An  /-stem 
form  may  have  existed  beside  the  parallel  form  in  the  c-declen- 
sion,  as  in  avis,  Skt.  cevas.  Then  the  former,  preserved  in  Latin, 
might  have  lost  its  nom.  sg.  as  did  mors,  gens,  dos,  etc.,  e.g.,  I.  E., 
*polto-s  =  Grk.  ttoXtos  ;  I.  E.,  * polti-s  =  Lat.  *  po/tis  =  puis,  as 
* mortis  =  mors. 

Such  an  explanation,  however,  does  not  seem  to  apply  to  a 
considerable  number  of  forms.  In  the  case  of  the  suffixes  -go-, 
-ago-,  -igo-,  -ago-,  -igo-,  it  is  difficult  to  assume  forms  in  -/-.  These 
suffixes  in  question  appear  in  the  different  languages  as  follows  : 

Aryan go-,  e.  g.,  Skt.    dtka-s,  Av.   attka  :  Skt.  markd-s,  Av. 

mahrka- ;  Skt.  cuska-s,  Av.  huska-,  Skt.  antaka-s,  sindhuka-s,  etc.1 

Greek,  Latin  and  Celtic go-,  e.  g.,  'nnriKos,  do-TiKos,  dvSpiKo's; 

amnicus,  civic  us,  bellicus,  mordicus  ;  O.  I.  sui/e-c/i,  ses-c,  bres-c  :2 
-g-3  (consonant  stems),  e.  g.,  fxupa£,  Skt.  maryakd-s-;  vea£,  O.  B. 
novakz ;  O.  I.  nathir,  /air,  fa/; A  -gio-,  e.  g.,  7repio-cros,  TrepiTTos,  oYo-0-01, 
Skt.  dvika-s,  navvo-aia,  Lat.  pannucia,  /xeracraai,  tiricraaL,  peipaKiov, 
avSpaKiov,  7raAAd/aov;  patricius,  sutbricius,  fiovicius,  artificium, 
opificium  ;   O.  I.  fem.  in  -ic/ie,  Lat.  icia,  e.  g.,  tairismiche. 

Balto-Slavic go-,  Lith.  pi/ka-s,  judo-kas,  gyvbkas,  kirktikas; 

si/pnb-kas,  didb-kas,  mazb-kas.  O.  B.  znakz,  prekz,  mecdkz,  to/ikz, 
kolikz.  -gio-,  Lith.  kume/ike,  ratikike,  picszkc ;  O.  B.  ovica,  detica, 
karab/icc,  kamenccc,  jadzcd,  pis^cz ;  weak  grade  -gi-,  e.  g.,  Lith. 
jaunikis,  czusikis,  kiszkis,  p/iiszkis,  kul'ikis,  provikis  ;  Lett,  p/usch- 
kis,  kaschkis,  namikis. 

It  is  clear  that  the  types  -g-,  -go-,  and  -gio-  came  into  Italic. 
It  is  possible,  therefore,  that  the  weak  form  -gi-  also  existed  at  an 
earlier  period.  In  fact,  this  hypothesis  is  highly  probable,  in  view 
of  the  presence  of  the  full  form  -gio-.  It  is  further  supported 
r)  by  specific  forms  in  the   Italic  languages,  e.  g.,  U.  sumrsim-c 

1  The  consonant  type  appears  only  in  viprif  (k)  (Brugmann,  Gr.  II,  385); 
the  -ijo-  stem  in  apiciya,  Grk.  iiriixaa  (J.  Schmidt,  K.  Z.,  28,  122). 

2  Brugmann,  Gr.  II,  pp.  238  ff. 

3  The  material  in  Latin  is  obscured  by  metaplasm,  but  there  can  be  no 
doubt  of  the  presence  of  the  consonant  type,  e.  g.,  comix  to  U.  curnacu  (ace.  sg.). 

"Brugmann,  Gr.  II,  p.  385  ;  Wh.  Stokes,  B.  B.  XI,  84,  155. 


S/TY 

THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION  39 

to  Lat.  ad  murcim;1  pracoquus,  praicoquis,  prtzcox;  merces  beside 
merx  in  Char.  p.  27  ;  2)  by  the  relations  audacia,  auddx;  efficdcia, 
efficax;  mendacium,  mcndax ;  pelldcia,  pelldx ;  artificimn,  artifex? 
etc. ;  3)  by  such  relations  as  pix,  Grk.  iriaa-a,  Lith.  pikis ;  faux, 
Grk.  <f>v<ra,  Skt.  bhuka-s  ;  calx,  Lith.  kdlkis ;  frnx  and  friigis 
(Varro),  Goth,  bruk-s;  lux,  0.  B.  luca,  hut. 

It  may,  therefore,  be  not  unreasonable  to  suggest  that  many 
of  these  nouns  in  x  were  originally  weak  -to-  formations,  that 
they  have  passed  into  the  /-declension  in  Latin  and  that  their 
characteristic  ending  -is  has  been  lost,  as  in  the  case  of  mors, 
gens,  etc.  Such  an  hypothesis,  at  least,  explains  the  apparent 
/-stem  character  of  the  nouns  evident  at  the  point  of  the  gen. 
plural.  For  the  adjectives,  it  is  necessary  to  assume  that  the 
category  contains  many  original  consonant  stems,  that  it  is  an 
amalgam  of  the  two  types  -q-  and  -qi-.  All  distinctions  have  been 
leveled,  however,  and  the  consonant  stems  have  become  virtually 
/-stems  in  common  with  many  other  adjectives. 

Genitive. — At  this  point  the  metaplasm  must  have  affected 
the  forms  in  the  Italic  period,  though  the  infection  cannot  have 
progressed  beyond  the  stage  of  confusion  (p.  21).  Since  the 
separation,  however,  different  treatments  have  prevailed.  Latin 
gives  no  evidence  of  the  original  /-stem  form  -et's,3  Skt.  avis, 
Goth,  anstais,  Lith.  nakt'es.  In  all  instances  for  both  /-  and  con- 
sonant stems  the  form  is  the  original  consonant  type  -es,  -os.  These 
endings  appear  unchanged  in  Apolenes,  Salutes,  partus,  Kastorus, 
Venerus,  Cererus,  patrus,  Gesarus,  hominus,  nominus,  prcevdricd- 
tiduus.  The  form  of  the  classical  period  is  -is  <  -es,  -os  having 
yielded  to  the  parallel  ablaut  form.  It  is  evident  that  the  elimi- 
nation of  -eis  from  the  /-stems  took  place  at  a  very  early  period 
and  that  the  metaplasm  and  confusion  established  in  the  Italic 
period    produced    this   result   soon    after   the   separation.      For 

1  Murcim,  Varro,  L.  L.,  151  ;  other  texts  read  murcia  (strong  form).  Cf. 
Biicheler,  "Umbrica,"  vocab. 

2  It  is  noticeable  that  the  noun  forms  are  either  fern,  or  neut.  in  line 
with  the  facts  of  the  development  of  substantive  force  in  adjectives.  Cf. 
Brugmann,  Gr.  II,  p.  444. 

3  Exc.  parenteis,  an  error. 


40  THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION 

among  the  genitive  forms  in  -us  we  note  an  /-stem,  partus.  The 
loss  of  -eis  must  have  taken  place  before  the  decadence  of  the 
type  -os,  since  an  /-stem  would  probably  not  take  such  an  ending 
after  it  had  lost  its  linguistic  force  and  was  preserved  in  a  small 
number  of  forms  only. 

In  Osc.-Umbrian,  on  the  other  hand,  the  /-stem  form  has 
prevailed,  e.  g.,  O.  /-stem,  aiteis  ;  con.  stems,  Appeluneis,  Iuveis, 

LUVFREIS,  KUMPARAK.INEIS,   MAATREIS,  MEDIKEIS,  tangitieis,  Cdmeis  \ 

U.  /-stem,  punes,  ocrer,  sorsalir,  con.  stems,  matrer,  nomner, 
farer.  In  the  prevailing  type  in  Umbrian,  ei  is  reduced  to  e,1 
sorsalir  is  a  variant,  but  the  /  is  viewed  as  from  I.  E.  ei.2 

Accusative. — The  prevailing  type  in  Latin  is  -em,  the  ending  of 
the  consonant  stems.  This  form  appears  without  exception  in  its 
original  position,  the  consonant  declension.  For  the  /-stems  a 
less  general  statement  can  be  made.  In  the  majority  of  cases 
the  metaplasm  has  been  complete  in  its  effect,  and  the  ending 
original  to  the  consonant  declension  has  been  transferred  to  the 
/-stems.  But  the  original  ending  has  not  been  completely 
eliminated,  as  in  the  instance  of  the  gen.  sg.  Certain  words 
always  or  nearly  always  have  an  accusative  in  -im,  while  in  others 
it  appears  beside  -em.  In  manuscripts  of  the  same  author  both 
forms  are  used,  e.  g.,  ndvim,  Hor.,  Carm.,  I,  32,  8  ;  Cic,  Att.,  7,  22, 
1:  ndvem,  Hor.,  Serm.,  1,  1,6;  Cic,  de  Orat.,  1,  38  ;  messim,  Plaut., 
Most.,  161  ;  messem,  Plaut.,  Rud.,  637  ;  Trim,  32. 3 

The  ending  -im  is  best  preserved  in  certain  words,4  e.  g.,  turrim, 
burim,  securim,  pitppim,  sitim,  restim,  vim,5  pulvim,  tussim.  How- 
ever, the  form  -em  is  not  unknown  in  these  cases,  e.  g.,turrem,  C.  I. 
L.,  I,  1259  ;  Suet.,  Calig.,  46  ;  puppem,  Juv.,  6,  102  ;  securem,  Livy, 
8,  7,  20  :  9,  16,  17  ;  restem,  Plaut.,  Rud.,  1036;  Juv.,  10,  58. 

These  facts  seem  to  indicate  that  at  this  point,  the  ace.  sg., 
the  /-stems  yielded  to  metaplasm    later  than  in  the  gen.  sg.     If 

1  Planta,  I,  p.  147. 

2  Planta,  I,  p.  148. 

3  Neue,  Formen.3  II,  pp.  196  ff. 

4  Schweizer-Sidler,  Gram.,  p.  152. 

s  Vim  probably  for  *vlm;  cf.  Brugmann,  Gr.  II.,  p.  550. 


THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION  41 


it  be  correct  to  assume  that  the  complete  stage,  exemplified  in 
the  latter  instance,  is  preceded  by  a  stage  of  confusion,  then 
the  ace.  sg.  may  be  characterized  by  that  term.  Further,  it 
seems  that  the  progress  of  the  metaplasm  in  this  can  be  observed 
within  the  literary  period.  Certain  words,  such  as  turn's,1  have  em 
much  more  frequently  in  the  later  writers.  Hence  we  may 
assume  that  the  metaplasm,  at  this  point,  is  at  an  incomplete  stage, 
but  yet  near  to  and  constantly  approaching  completion  in  the 
elimination  of  the  ending  -im. 

For  the  Oscan-Umbrian  period  we  may  infer,  1)  that  the 
/-stem   ending    remained    unaffected,   e.  g.,  O.   slagim,   tiurri, 

SAKRIM,    DEKKVIARIM   :  U.   SPANTIM,    AHTIM-EM,    SEVAKN]  |     2)     that 

the  consonant-stem  ending  -em  was  replaced  by  the  <?-stem  ending 
after  the  metaplasm  between  the  0-  and  consonant  stems  had 
developed,  e.  g.,  O.  leginum,  tanginom,  medicatinom  :  U.  arsfer- 
turo,  curnaco,  capirso,  uhturu,  salu. 

The  sole  variant  from  these  types  appears  in  the  Umbrian  in 
-e.m  -e  among  the  /-stems,  e.  g.,  sakre,  uvem,  staflare.  It  is 
hardly  possible  to  assume  that  this  ending  has  come  from  the 
consonant  declension,  for  in  the  Osc. -Umbrian  period  that  ending 
-em  was  eliminated  from  its  original  position,  yielding  to  -am 
from  the  ^-sterns.  It  is  not  reasonable  to  assume  the  reappear- 
ance of  these  forms  at  a  later  time  in  Umbrian  alone  and  in 
the  /-declension.  The  facts  of  Umbrian  orthography  show  that 
/  was  open  relatively  to  /  and  that,  further,  /  was  sometimes  indi- 
cated by  e.  On  the  other  hand,  no  such  conditions  govern 
the  case  of  original  e.  There  could  be  no  reason  for  a  differ- 
ence of  orthography  and  change  of  e  to  i*  In  the  final  position 
an  original  -im  might  well  appear  as  -em,  even  in  the  majority 
of  instances.  Such  are  the  facts,  for  Umb.  has  -em  -e  and  -im 
-i  in  the  proportion  fourteen  to  five,  e.  g.,  peraknem,  perakne 
(3),  perakre,  purtifele,  randem-e,  sakre,  sevakne,  staflarem, 
staflare,  Tadinate,  Tarsinatem  (2)  :  ayliiu-'E.u,  ferim-e,  smursim-e, 
spantim,  spanti.     Planta3  holds  that   -em  stands   for  -im,  while 

1  Georges,  Lex.  der  Lat.  Wortform.,  "turris." 

2  Buck,  Voc,  p.  45  :  Planta,  I,  p.  100. 

3  Planta,  I,  p.  100. 


42  THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION 

-im  is  to  be  explained  on  the  ground  that  the  forms  are  -w-stems 
with  ace.  -tin.  The  grounds  for  such  a  reference  are.  however, 
not  readily  apparent. 

Ablative. —  It  has  already  been  shown  that  metaplasm  occurred 
at  this  point  in  the  Italic  period  (p.  30)  and  that  -Id  was  transferred 
to  the  consonant  stems.  In  Oscan  this  form  alone  appears1  (p.  33). 
For  Latin  and  Umbrian  no  such  general  statement  can  be  made. 
In  Latin  of  the  classical  period  a  form  in  -e  is  in  the  ascendancy 
for  both  -i  and  consonant  stems.  Umbrian,  likewise,  contains 
numerous  forms  in  -e,  e.  g.,  pure,  vapede,  karne,  tikamne, 
nomne,  menzne,  curnase,  pase,  due.  This  form  in  -e  may  be 
viewed  as  a  possible  locative  or  instrumental  suffix,  from  i  loc.  or 
-e?  a3  inst.  From  the  point  of  view  of  Umbrian,  however,  the 
last  possibility  is  excluded.4  Hence,  for  the  Italic  group  as  a 
whole,  the  decision  must  lie  between  the  loc.  and  inst.  in  -e. 
Preference  may  be  given  to  the  former  alternative  for  the  follow- 
ing reasons.  The  suffix  e  for  the  inst.  has  not  been  generally 
accepted.  To  suppose  -a  would  involve  the  separation  of 
Latin  and  Umbrian.  It  is  probable  that  -Id  came  into  the  conso- 
nant declension  as  a  syncretized  abl.-inst.  form,  and  that  the  inst. 
would  then  cease  to  exist  as  a  separate  form,  as  in  the  vocalic 
stems.  From  this  point  the  forms  may  be  traced  as  follows. 
The  consonant  declension  in  the  Italic  period  must  have  possessed 
an  abl.-inst.  -Id  and  a  locative  -/.  Later  there  arose  a  syncretism 
between  these  three  cases,  and  hence  the  forms  -Id  and  -/ 
(Latin  -e)  came  to  be  used  indiscriminately  for  all  three  cases. 
The  type  -i  has  been  lost  in  Oscan  ;  in  Latin  and  Umbrian  it 
has  remained  in  the  form  -<?. 

Within  the  Latin  period  a  further  development  has  taken 
place.  The  type  -<?  has  been  transferred  to  the  /-stems,  and  this 
is  in  accord  with  the  facts  noted  for  the  gen.  and  ace,  that  the 
consonant  stem  forms   predominate   in  the  singular.     We   may 

1  The  consonant  stems  have  also  been  affected  by  metaplasm,  e.  g.,  ligud, 
tanginud  (cf.  Brugmann,  Gr.  II,  594). 

2  Brugmann,  Gr.  II,  p.  594. 

3  J.  Schmidt,  K.  Z.,  27,  292  f.    Pluralbild.,  41  f. 
*Buck,  Voc,  p.  39.     Planta,  I,  p.  563. 


THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION  43 

also  note  the  same  incomplete  stage  and  the  same  element  of 
confusion  as  in  the  ace.  sing.  In  the  consonant  declension  the 
type  -id  remains  beside  that  in  -e,'  e.  g.,  capiti,  Catull.,  68,  124; 
scelerl,  Sen.,  Phaedra,  693;  coventionhi,  C.  I.  L.,  I,  196  -.sanction;, 
C.  I.  I,.,  I,  198;  virtutei,  C.  I.  L.,  1,  34  :  airld,  C.  I.  L.,  I,  61  :  corporl, 
C.  I.  L.,  I,  206.  Among  the  /-stems  i  exists  beside  -e,  e.  g.,  sorti, 
Plaut.,  Cas.,  428  \parti,  Plaut.,  Men.,  479;  and  very  frequent  in 
igni,  Tiavi,  puppi,  turrl,  etc.  The  same  confusion  is  noticeable 
here  as  in  the  ace.  sg.  in  the  case  of  individual  authors,  e.  g., 
nepti,  Tac,  Ann.,  3,  24  :  nepte,  Tac,  Hist.,  5,  9  :  dassi,  Verg.,  ALn., 
8,  1 1,  classe,  JEn.,  1,  379  :  civi,  Cic,  Farm,  I,  9,  15  ;  cive,  Verr.,  2, 

J3>  32- 

Umbrian,  also,  has  forms  in  -e  among  the  /-stems,  and  it  may 
be  assumed  that  this  type  has  been  transferred  from  the  conso- 
nant declension.  However,  the  influence  of  the  consonant  stems 
in  the  metaplasm  seems  to  have  been  a  Latin  phenomenon. 
Elsewhere  in  Umbrian  the  /-stem  forms  have  prevailed,  and 
hence  the  presumption  is  against  the  hypothesis  of  such  a  trans- 
fer. But,  further,  it  is  possible  that  e  has  arisen  within  the 
/-declension,  and  that  the  distinction  is  non-essential  and  ortho- 
graphical. Planta2  has  shown  that  i  may  appear  as  e  in  Umbrian 
and  so  it  is  reasonable  to  accept  the  explanation,  which  obviates 
the  necessity  of  assuming  a  transfer. 

Umbrian  has  certain  forms  in  -e  among  the  /-stems,  which 
possess  a  locative  force,  e.  g.,  ocre-m,  ocre.  No  definite  determi- 
nation of  these  forms  can  be  made.  They  may  be  1)  locatives 
in  -e,  2)  identical  with  the  dative  in  -e  with  a  loc.  force  still 
present,  or  3)  the  ablative  with  loc.  function,  as  in  the  ^-declen- 
sion, testru,  termunco,  or  the  Lat.  ablative-locative.3 

Dative. — The  endings  of  the  dat.  sg.  in  the  different  dialects 
are  the  following:  Latin  has  i  in  both  /-  and  consonant  declen- 
sions, e.  g.,  urbi,  regi,  leg?,  virtutei,  Apolenei,  fraudei.     Oscan  has 

1  It  is  evident  that  -e  lias  prevailed  to  the  exclusion  of  -i  to  a  much  greater 
extent  in  the  consonant  declension  than  among  the  /-stems,  since  the  type  -J  is 
relatively  infrequent  among  the  former. 

2  Planta,  I,  pp.  107,  108. 

5  15rugmann,  Gr.  II,  p.  612. 


44  THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION 

-ei,    e.    g.,     Herentatei,1    \inrz\ovvu,     Diuvei,    Aiovfci,    Iuvei, 

FUTREI,     KVAISTUREI,     LEGINEI,     MEDIKEi,     PaTEREI,     SVERRUNE1, 

vezkei.  The  form  for  Umbrian  is  -e,  e.  g.,  Tadinate,  Tarsinatc. 
ocre,  adferture,  karne,  nomne,  Iovie,  pase,  kapide.  There  are 
also  two  forms  in  J,  e.  g~,  Iuvip  "Iovi  patri "  and  Marti. 

It  is  evident  that  the  O.  -ei  must  be  referred  to  the  locative  of 
the  /-stems  -ei  and  this  reference  involves  a  metaplasm,  since  the 
form  appears  in  the  consonant  declension.  The  Umbrian  types 
e  and  rarely  i  are  not  so  clear.  The  forms  may  have  arisen 
either  from  -ei  of  the  /-stems  or  -ai  of  the  consonant  declension. 
Hence  it  is  possible  to  avoid  the  assumption  of  metaplasm  and 
refer  each  to  an  origin  within  its  own  declension.  It  might,  how- 
ever, be  expected  that  Umbrian  would  agree  with  Oscan  and  this 
probability  is  further  supported.  It  has  been  noted  that 
Umbrian  has  two  forms  in  -J.  This  condition  is  more  nearly  in 
accord  with  the  treatment  of  -ei  than  -ai  in  Umbrian,2  since  the 
latter  does  not  appear  as  -I.  In  Latin,  also,  the  forms  may  be 
separated  and  referred,  respectively,  to  -ei  in  the  /  and  ai  in  the 
consonant  declension.3  The  forms  of  both  languages,  however, 
are  in  accord  with  the  assumption  that  the  metaplasm  occurred 
in  the  Italic  period.  The  two  declensions  had  become  merged 
in  the  dat.-abl.  plur.  and  abl.  sg.  and  this  condition  might  pro- 
mote identity  in  the  dat.  sg.  If  the  metaplasm  occurred  in  this 
period,  the  forms  of  all  three  languages  can  be  referred  to  the 
same  origin,  the  /-stem  ending. 

Latin  also  possesses  a  small  number  of  dative  forms  in  -e, 
c.  g.,  Iunone,  C.  I.  L.,  I,  172,  metre,  id.,  177,  salute,  179,  Marie,  (3) 
62, patre,  182,  Diove,  188,  victore,  638,  llctore,  1060,  Pilemone,  1 104, 
Hercule,  11 70,  love,  1402,  and  in  formulas,  e.  g.,  iure  dicundo. 
This  type  may  be  from  a  locative  of  the  /-declension  in  -e.*  It  is 
further  possible  that  the  -e  is  an  orthographical  variant  for  the 
normal  type  -J.5     This  is  supported  by  the  anomalous  parallelism 

1  Possibly  the  only  z'-stem,  from  -tat  or  -tati-. 
2Planta,  I,  pp.  143,  147,  148,  368. 
3Brugmann,  Gr.  II,  p.  603. 
4Brugmann,  Gr.  II,  p.  604. 
sSolmsen,  I.  F.  IV,  137. 


THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION  45 

in  Diovei  victor e,  C.  I.  L.,  I,  635,  and  by  a  similar  representation 
of  -1  in  the  nom.  plural,  e.  g.,  ploirume,  illvire  and  abl.  plural 
cava  fumes,  mentovines,  nuges. 

Nom.  and  Ace.  Plural. — The  forms  of  these  cases  for  the 
Italic  period  were  respectively  :  /-stems,  nom.  plural  -es  <  -eies, 
c.  g.,  O.  aIdilis,  tris  "  tres";  U.  sacres,  sacrcr,  puntes,  pacrer  : 
ace.  plural  -ins,  e.  g.,  U.  avif,  aveif,  trif1  :  consonant-stems  ;  nom. 
plural  -es,  e.  g.,  O.  humuns,  meddiss,  usurs,2  ace.  plural  -ens  < 
-tis,  e.  g.,  U.  nerf,  capif,  vapef,  vef,  buf.  In  Oscan  and  Unibrian 
the  forms  are  unaffected.  Latin,  however,  has  conditions  differ- 
ing from  those  of  the  Italic  period.  The  original  forms  would 
give  for  the  /-stems,  nom.  -is,  ace.  -is  :  for  the  consonant 
declension,  nom.  -es,  ace.  -es.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  however,  the 
/-stems  have  both  -es  and  -Is  in  the  nom.  and  ace.  In  the  conso- 
nant declension  there  are  no  certain  instances  of  -es,  -es  is  the 
prevailing  form,  but  -ts  occurs,  though  less  often  than  among  the 
/-stems.3 

From  these  facts  may  be  inferred,  1)  that  in  the  nom.  plural 
the  /-stem  form  was  transferred  to  the  consonant  stems  at  a  very 
early  period  :  2)  that  the  ace.  plural  in  each  declension  was  pre- 
served, becoming  -Is  and  -es,  respectively  ;  3)  that  a  syncretism 
arose  among  the  /-stems,  and  in  consequence  -es  and  -is  came  to 
be  used  as  a  pair  of  forms,  valid  for  either  function  ;  4)  that  this 
confusion  among  the  stems  has  affected  the  consonant  declen- 
sion and  caused  the  appearance  of  forms  in  -is  in  both  nom. 
and  ace.  function. 

The  confusion  of  -es  and  -is  may  be  explained  on  the  ground 
that,  in  the  closely  related  consonant  declension,  the  forms  were 
already  identical.  This  identitv  of  form  may  have  suggested  an 
identity  of  function  also  among  the  /-stems. 

Genitive  plural. — The  types  which  prevailed  during  the  Italic 
period  were  respectively  -ium  and  -inn,  e.  g.,  O.  aittium  ;  i.iiMi- 
tum,  fratrCm,  nerum ;  U.  peracrio,  peracnio ;  fratrom,  kratru, 
buo. 

1  Planta,  I,  p.  505. 

-'  I'lanta,  I,  p.  229  ;   Buck,  Voc,  p.  ig6. 

'  Brugmann,  Gr.  II,  pp.  665,  666. 


46  THE  LATIN  THIRD  DECLENSION 

In  Latin  one  may  observe  a  stricter  adherence  to  the  original 
forms  than  in  any  of  the  case  endings  previously  considered. 
The  /-stems  have  -turn  with  great  uniformity  in  cases  where  an 
ace.  in  -im  and  an  abl.  in  I  rarely  occur.  Such  are  the  types 
represented  by  auris,  neuters  in  -e,  -a/  and  -ar,  imber,  dddes,  and 
the  forms  with  reduced  nominative,  urbs,  ars,  gens,  etc.  On  the 
other  hand,  most  consonant  stems  have  -um,  e.  g.,  dux,  pes,  pater, 
etc.,  and  notably  the  original  consonant  forms,  invents,  cants. 

It  is,  however,  evident  that  infection  and  confusion  are  present 
even  in  the  gen.  plural.  This  may  appear  in  two  ways,  i)  con- 
fusion of  a  general  nature,  and  2)  metaplasm  manifested  in  par- 
ticular categories.  The  former  type  is  represented  by  such 
instances  as  apum  beside  apium,  nubum,  nubium,  ccedum,  ccedium, 
etc.1  These  words  show  the  characteristic  of  the  opposite  declen- 
sion, though  less  often  than  the  original  form  and  in  many  cases 
rarely.  The  facts  are  in  line  with  those  noted  for  the  ace.  and 
abl.  sg.  and,  indeed,  such  a  metaplastic  effect  might  well  be 
expected,  since  the  declensions  are  so  generally  affected  at  other 
points. 

Of  the  particular  categories  to  which  reference  has  been  made 
the  most  important  is  that  of  the  stems  in  -nt-.  These  are 
undoubtedly  consonant  stems.  These  words  have  -turn  beside 
-um  even  in  substantival  usage,  e.  g.,  parentum, parentium,  dientum, 
rfientium,  nefanium,  nefantium.  It  is  possible  that  this  condition 
has  arisen  as  follows.  The  forms  were  originally  participles  and 
hence  closely  allied  with  the  adjectival  function.  It  is  further 
evident  that  /-forms  have  assumed  predominating  force  among 
the  adjectives  and  have  displaced  consonant  forms  more  often 
than  among  the  substantives.  Hence  we  may  assume  that  -turn 
was  first  established  in  the  participial  and  adjectival  usages. 
From  this  point  of  contact  -turn  might  well  spread  to  the  sub- 
stantives. 

Among  the  /-stems  there  are  certain  words  which  have  -um 
with  unvarying  consistency,  e.  g.,  hospes,  O.  B.  gospodt ;  anas,  Skt. 
Ms,  Lith.  anils,  and  many  nouns  which  may  have  been  /-stems 
at  one  point  in  their  history  (p.  39),  e.  g.,  artifex,  senex,  municeps, 

1  Neue,  Formen.3  I,  pp.  259  ff . 


THE  LATIN  Til  IK  I)  DECLENSION  47 

prineeps,  etc.  It  is  noticeable  that  these  words  are  words  of  more 
than  two  syllables  which  have  lost  their  /-form  in  the  nom.  sg. 
The  dissyllabic  forms  have  a  different  history,  since  mors,  pons, 
etc.,  retain  -turn.  It  is  remotely  possible  that  the  heavier  forms 
were  more  completely  subjected  to  metaplastic  influence  than 
was  the  dissyllabic  type;  that  the  nom.  -is  was  lost  earlier  and 
that,  in  general,  the  metaplasm  was  more  effective  in  all  the  case 
forms.  The  fact  that  no  traces  of  -is  remain,  as  in  sortis,  mentis, 
etc.,  may  point  to  this  hypothesis. 


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